Baku Pretrial Detention Center No. 1 is constantly in the public spotlight because it holds individuals recognized as political prisoners. Currently, a large number of journalists and public-political figures are serving sentences there, including journalists arrested in connection with the “Meydan TV case.” For this reason, Meydan TV investigated bribery practices in the detention center. Each claim has been verified by journalists held there as well as former prisoners recently released.
Hairy meat, unpeeled potatoes
Prisoners say that holidays are the time when meat dishes are most often served. On such days, more food is usually taken from the cells (they are called “balanda”). A worker must approach every cell door and offer food, regardless of whether the inmates take it or not. According to prisoners, the food content has improved in recent months, with more meat and chicken dishes. However, overall, the diet does not meet either local legislation or European penitentiary standards.
Regularly provided foods include bread, sugar, oil, eggs, potatoes, onions, garlic, apples, pears, and juice. In winter, cabbage and beets were also given. Occasionally, hygiene products are distributed. Naturally, it remains unclear what happens to the food that self-sufficient cells choose not to take.
Our inquiry into the quality of the cooked food coincided with the holiday. A prisoner journalist who was interested in the “balanda” wanted to eat chicken stew that day. “There were two chicken legs, greens, and potatoes in the ladle. But the feathers on the chicken skin stood out. The chicken hadn’t been properly cleaned; the feathers had turned white from cooking and were sticking out,” the journalist says.
According to her, the food distribution worker was picking up a piece of hairless chicken to put on the prisoner’s plate, and this time, unpeeled cooked potatoes fell into the bucket:
“The confused worker, already handling a dirty-looking green container (called a ‘katyol’), dipped the ladle again.Once again, the potato that landed in the spoon hadn’t been peeled. Frustrated, he muttered about the cook named Isgandar.”
We learned that although cooks are inmates, food quality is supervised by the facility’s economic department head, a man named Shamil. the head of the economic department of the prison. It is clear from the situation that this person does not even open the lid of the pot where the food is cooked. It appears he does not even open the lids of the cooking pots. Our investigation suggests he is more interested in profit. Ultimately, food is not used properly, and dozens of inmates relying on “balanda” do not receive quality meals.
Prisoners’ anger at the deputy chief
The most profitable areas of all prisons are considered to be the visiting room and the administrative section (known as “khoz”). In the Baku Investigateive Detention Center, the control over the “khoz” is at the disposal of a person named Orkhan, the head of the training department. He is also subordinate to the deputy head Ahad Abdiyev. The meeting room is controlled by Shahriyar Abbasov, who is also the head of the investigation room. In the BIDC, the “khoz” is seen as the main place of income and all decisions are made by Ahad Abdiyev. The meeting room was once considered a more profitable place, but now the situation has changed. We’ll discuss this further later.
Prisoners say that Ahad Abdiyev appears more educated and civilized than other deputies. He also does not like journalists and does not hesitate to belittle the person in front of him by saying, “No one knew you before; we made you known across the ocean.” Unlike Javid Gulaliyev, he avoids threats and insults, relying more on psychological pressure instead. His arrogant demeanor does not inspire trust among the prisoners and makes him seem harsh despite appearing gentle. His name is associated with a tendency toward money. This is likely due to his control over the earnings of worker-prisoners.
“For example, while Javid Gulaliyev belittles the heads of the regime by saying ‘you depend on a prisoner’s 5 manat,’ A. Abdiev creates conditions for them to earn” says one former inmate.
Incidentally, it is reported that Ahad Abdiyev will be appointed head of the medical facility known as ‘Tubzon’ in the coming days. He is considered one of the most trusted people of the head of the detention center, Elnur Ismayilov. For this reason, financial matters have been entrusted to him.”
Let’s return to the earnings. A former worker-prisoner who was recently released told Meydan TV that every worker-prisoner has their own expenses. According to the information we obtained, there are a total of 120 worker-prisoners in the facility. About 40 percent of them are wealthy individuals who are registered as workers in name only and do no actual work. This percentage can be estimated by looking at the number of worker-prisoners standing in line (with a white line between them) alongside those who come out for the morning count (called “razvod”). They do not wear green vests like the prisoners who go to work.
Dressed neatly, with their hands in their pockets, walking around the yard of the facility, or sitting in a gazebo in the courtyard of the building intended for “khoz” workers playing dominoes or backgammon, you might doubt that these people are even prisoners. These “bourgeois workers” pay 2,000 – 3,000 manat to become “khoz” employees.
Worker-prisoners’ monthly salary is 340 manat. Most of them give their salary card to their families and live on the income they earn inside the detention center. Formal workers, however, do not receive a salary; instead, their wages are taken by the administration of the detention center. If rounded, this amounts to approximately 15,000 manat per month. In addition, formal workers make daily payments for phone use and other expenses. In the “khoz” unit, these payments are collected by Araz and Ramiz, supervisors who act as illegal “assistants” to Ahad Abdiyev.
Worker-prisoners pay the amount assigned to them to the head of the department, Shamil, at the end of the week. The amounts vary depending on the work they do. The collected money is passed on to Orkhan. For example, prisoners working in the “laryok”(internal shops) pay 85 manat per month. Their daily expenses can reach 10 manat. This includes the money given to “khoz” supervisors. Although it is not mandatory, those who do not pay are subjected to pressure and singled out. In particular, a supervisor named Araz assigns harsher work to worker-prisoners who do not pay.
The most profitable workers are those who carry parcels for prisoners. This is because the person receiving the parcel does not send the worker who delivers it away empty-handed. These workers, called “tachkovoz” (prisoner assigned to transport goods with a cart), make payments according to each day. That is, the daily payment is 6 manat, while the weekend (Saturday–Sunday) payment is 14 manat. In total, 52 manat is paid weekly.
Additionally, the payments for prisoners working in the “bourgeois blocks” of the detention center are higher. They also pay to work in those blocks and in other less physically demanding but more profitable jobs. For example, they pay 300 manat to work in the “laryok” (internal shops) and 500 manat for the “bourgeois blocks.” Prisoners say that these payments are made to Orkhan through Shamil.
For “balanda” (meal distribution) and cleaning work, prisoners are mainly those detained for drug use. They do not pay for this work because they do not earn any income; they only receive some payment when they perform tasks at the request of other worker-prisoners.
Green vests are also given to prisoners for a fee. They pay 10 manat for this.
If you have money, you live well
The 1st floor of the 8th block, the 1st floor of the 5th block, and the 1st floor of the 2nd block in the octagonal building are considered “bourgeois blocks.” All wealthy and high-ranking detainees are held in these blocks. Previously, there was at least one “bourgeois” prisoner in each block, but now they are all concentrated in these three blocks. The aim is to centralize expenses.
Those held in these blocks create every possible comfort in their cells. Their yard area (called “proqul”) remains open throughout the day. In other cells, it is closed in the evening. In general, special conditions are created for wealthy prisoners in all prisons. These prisoners can move around comfortably. The cost of this movement varies depending on the time, and the monthly fee starts from 1,000 manat.
No detainee under supervision has access to this privilege, even if they have money. Wealthy prisoners, referred to as “bourgeois,” usually hire 2–3 lawyers. These lawyers visit them in turns every day and spend the whole day with them in the investigation room. While the lawyers of political prisoners are subjected to checks and are not allowed to leave the room (the door is locked from the outside), tables are set up in the rooms for the “bourgeois” prisoners. This is overseen by Shahriyar Abbasov. A worker-prisoner in the “bourgeois block” can have two assistants: one takes care of cleaning, and the other prepares food.
Prisoners say that all decisions regarding the “bourgeois” prisoners are made by Elnur Ismayilov. In general, even the smallest matters in the facility are not carried out without his instructions.
How much do the supervisors earn?
Payments in all blocks are collected by the block’s regime chiefs together with the block’s head supervisor. The head of the detention center, Elnur Ismayilov, decides who stays in which block and cell, and the “costs” of this are settled before the accused even reaches the cell.
The block regime chiefs collect money for matters such as daily phone expenses, items in the cell, and keeping vents and doors open. This money is shared with the head supervisor. Additionally, 20% goes to the duty officer of the problems department for that day, and 20% to the supervisor on duty that day. Most regime chiefs have worker-prisoners sell “Tac” phone cards used by inmates. Only a few regime chiefs pass the profit from this entirely to the worker-prisoners.
Supervisors earn about 20 – 30 manat per shift. Each shift occurs every 2 – 3 days. Operational officers receive 20 – 50 manat per week from the regime chiefs of the blocks they are assigned to. This amount varies depending on the financial situation of the inmates in the block, meaning the earnings of the regime chief.
Unlike other prisoners, workers are allowed to have video calls with their families once a month. Each cell has its own designated call day. Those who want to talk on other days must pay 5 manat. This has caused dissatisfaction, as it interferes with the time of the prisoner whose turn it is. Since a prisoner working cannot come at another time, they are forced to change their call day. For this reason, Ahad Abdiyev reportedly banned additional calls. According to prisoners, the paid service has been reinstated again.
Accused persons (except for political prisoners) also pay 5 manat for calls outside of the official, regulated communication.
We also learned that during the tenure of previous heads of the Baku Pretrial Detention Center (BIT), regime chiefs paid a monthly “account.” After Elnur Ismayilov was appointed head, these payments were abolished. No regime chief shares their earnings with higher-ranking officials. It appears that the detention center chief both supports his staff to prevent internal dissatisfaction and avoids tarnishing his name with small-scale income.
Is it forbidden?
The inspection unit for prohibited items is one of the most vulnerable to bribery. Some time ago, an incident occurred when employees of this unit inspected the cell of Meydan TV staff, and journalists were subjected to force.
This unit checks people going to and from courts, correctional facilities, and medical centers, and also conducts sudden inspections of cells. If a person going to court does not want to wait for hours in the “box” and wants to go directly from the cell to the car, they must pay 10 manat. Prisoners going to correctional facilities also pay 10 manat so that their neatly packed belongings are not searched. Employees who come to the cells receive 20 manat in order not to carry out inspections.
Previously, employees of this unit would take items sent to accused persons under the label of “illegal” and later have them sold in the “laryok” shops. Convicted individuals say that this is no longer the case, and those items are mostly returned.
If you’re coming for a visit, be prepared to pay
Previously, visits were paid for by ordinary prisoners’ families. They paid 20 manat so as not to be kept waiting behind the door for long periods and to avoid waiting in line. This practice has been abolished for quite some time. In addition, the sale of tea and sweets in the visitation areas has also been discontinued.
A former officer who worked in the Penitentiary Service for a long time and has since retired says that Elnur Ismayilov has played a smart move with this decision:
“Visit areas are places where people from outside come. If there is bribery here, the news spreads more widely. Elnur Ismayilov is good at his job and uses clever tactics. By removing bribery from visits, he has both moved the process into a more closed setting and gained the favor of the more ordinary, less well-off families of prisoners. After all, the money coming from visit areas is divided among a few people, so it is considered a small amount.”
For the past two months, open visits have not been allowed for everyone, and prisoners who were already only able to have open visits with one relative per visit are now deprived of that as well.
Supervised (glass-separated) visits are overseen by supervisors named Alifagha and Afgan. These visits usually last 45 minutes. If you pay 5 manat, you can extend the duration. According to internal regulations, a visit can last up to 4 hours.
If a prisoner is not inclined to pay, the excuse of a large number of people is used during the visit. The visit of a prisoner who pays is extended by cutting into the time of another prisoner who does not pay. There is one communication room with 9 telephones. The same situation applies to open visits. Currently, the excuse of having only one visit room is being used to reduce the time.
Money brought by relatives is given to the prisoner through a glass partition and the supervisor knows the amount. This is because prisoners are not allowed to receive more than 200 manat. The prisoner can also, if they wish, give a “tip” to the supervisor. This is not mandatory. However, in all cases they inform the regime chiefs about the amount of money. As a result, when the prisoner returns from the visit, the regime chief “sees” them and the chief then identifies the supervisor who reported it.
The unseen part of the iceberg
The large number of public and political figures helps bring to light the shortcomings occurring in the detention center (BIT). The situation is similar in detention centers and prisons where there are no individuals known as political prisoners.
For example, in the Investigative Detention Center No. 3 located in Shuvalan, in addition to widespread corruption, the conditions of detainees and the poor quality of food are also dire. More prisoners are placed in old cells with open toilets than the intended capacity, and none of the profits generated are spent on improving their conditions.
Independent media, in fact, by showing the situation in one institution, reveals how the entire system operates. This indicates that the problem is not limited to a single facility but exists within the system as a whole.
