{"id":175985,"date":"2016-05-16T19:16:31","date_gmt":"2016-05-16T19:16:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/article\/the-poor-are-the-first-to-fight-in-nagorno-karabakh\/"},"modified":"2016-05-16T19:16:31","modified_gmt":"2016-05-16T19:16:31","slug":"the-poor-are-the-first-to-fight-in-nagorno-karabakh","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/en\/article\/the-poor-are-the-first-to-fight-in-nagorno-karabakh\/","title":{"rendered":"The poor are the first to fight in Nagorno – Karabakh"},"content":{"rendered":"

\n
\n (Article originally published on
\n
\n eurasianet.org
\n <\/a>
\n on May 11th, 2016. Written by Vusala Alibayli and\u00a0Marianna Grigoryan)
\n <\/i>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\n In Armenia, they are called heroes; in Azerbaijan, martyrs.\u00a0One lived in a stone house with a dirt floor and no roof; the other in a mud hut with a dirt floor and a tarpaulin roof.\n<\/p>\n

\n While the opposing forces hold seemingly irreconcilable positions on Karabakh\u2019s fate, most of the soldiers who died in action during Armenia and Azerbaijan\u2019s
\n
\n April 2-6 conflict
\n <\/a>
\n had a common trait \u2013 they came from socially vulnerable families.\n<\/p>\n

\n Long frustrated by alleged corruption within their respective armies, that fact agitates many ordinary Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Military service in both countries is obligatory for males once they turn 18. Most Armenians serve for two years; Azerbaijanis for 18 months.\n<\/p>\n

\n Online and offline, a major complaint heard in both countries is the same \u2013 soldiers without influential connections or the ability to pay bribes are the ones who bear the brunt of combat. The sons of the wealthy or government officials are believed to be shielded from dangerous assignments.\n<\/p>\n

\n There is only anecdotal evidence to back this impression. Given the natural sensitivities about security, information on the deployment of individuals and units is not publicly available. Meanwhile, casualty lists that indicate slain soldiers\u2019 ages, names and hometowns are released in Armenia, but not in Azerbaijan.\n<\/p>\n

\n Nonetheless, the general public still suspects discrimination in assignments. And with cause, some analysts and activists believe.\n<\/p>\n

\n Lists of the 97 Armenian and Karabakhi soldiers killed did not include the names of men known to be the sons of senior officials or wealthy businessmen, noted Armenian human-rights activist Artur Sakunts, head of the Vanadzor office of the Helsinki Citizens\u2019 Assembly, which works with military abuse cases, and Edgar\u00a0Khachatrian, the head of Peace Dialogue, which also deals with soldiers\u2019 rights.\n<\/p>\n

\n The Armenian Defense Ministry has refused to release demographic information about its conscript-based army, Sakunts added.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u201cOn the grounds of confidentiality, there is no such mechanism to be able to control or find out how many children of state officials serve, who serves where, and so forth,\u201d said Khachatrian. \u201cBut the study of fatalities shows that not a single official\u2019s son died. According to our information, no son of an official serves on the\u00a0frontline.\u201d\n<\/p>\n

\n Nor did sons of privilege seemingly feature in the official list of 31 Azerbaijani soldiers killed in combat. (Independent estimates put the number up to roughly three times higher.)\n<\/p>\n

\n \u201cPictures, interviews with soldiers\u2019 families show their social condition clearly,\u201d said Cesur Sumerenli, chairperson of the Caspian Defense Studies Institute, a non-profit think-tank in the Azerbaijani capital, Baku. \u201cWe investigate through media, social networks and the result is almost all of [the fatalities] are from poor and ordinary families. We did not see any minister\u2019s [or] official\u2019s son or relatives in the list [of those killed].\u201d\n<\/p>\n

\n The home villages listed for those killed in combat make that distinction plain.\n<\/p>\n

\n For the past month, in the hamlet of Lachin, in Azerbaijan\u2019s frontline region of Aghcebedi, blue-red-and-green national flags have hung over the entrance way to the house of 20-year-old soldier Ulvin Mammadov, who was killed by a mortar.\n<\/p>\n

\n The mud hut has electricity, but no potable water. In this isolated area, salty soil prevents farming. Only cattle breeding provides an income. Unemployment is widespread.\n<\/p>\n

\n Perhaps for that reason, Mammadov, raised in a family displaced amid the hottest phase of the Karabakh conflict, lasting from 1988-1994, opted to stay in the army once his 18-month-term of service ended. \u201cHis parents had [financial] difficulties raising him,\u201d said Mammadov\u2019s grandmother, Goyush Elvendova. \u201cOur living conditions are obvious.\u201d\n<\/p>\n

\n As for all soldiers killed in the line of duty, the Azerbaijani government covered Mammadov\u2019s funeral expenses. His family will receive the standard monthly pension of 185 manats ($121). Surviving family members of \u201cnational heroes\u201d receive 200 manats ($133).\n<\/p>\n

\n Some 400 kilometers to the east, in the western Armenian region of Aragatsotn, an Armenian family also struggles with loss amid grinding poverty.\n<\/p>\n

\n The Sloians had to bury their own son twice \u2013 once for his body and then, five days later, when his severed head arrived.\n<\/p>\n

\n Two months shy of discharge, 19-year-old Private Kyaram Sloian reportedly died when he stayed by an injured comrade during the Azerbaijani assault on the Karabakhi district of Martakert. He was killed and allegedly beheaded, though details remain unclear. Azerbaijan denies responsibility for the beheading.\n<\/p>\n

\n The Armenian government paid 700,000 drams (about $1,463) for his funeral and another 1.4 million drams (roughly $2,925) for the tombstone. Surviving families receive a onetime payment of at least 3.7 million drams ($7,731).\n<\/p>\n

\n Such assistance, including additional aid from private Armenian citizens, was welcome. None of the eight members of Sloian\u2019s family has permanent work. The father, Kyalash, and a brother, Hamik, occasionally found work in Russia, but, now that the Russian economy is tanking, labor migration is no longer an option. The two now try to scratch out a livelihood from the land around their village.\n<\/p>\n

\n In both Armenia and Azerbaijan, those who can shield their sons from frontline service often go to great lengths to do so.\n<\/p>\n

\n One elderly woman in the Azerbaijani frontline region of Tartar told EurasiaNet.org that her family paid over 2,000 manats ($1,327) to an intermediary to ensure her grandson got a post at a \u201cgood\u201d base, away from the frontline. She did not identify the middleman.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u201cWe got a loan from the bank and now I pay 70 manats ($46.43) a month from my pension [in interest],\u201d the woman, who requested anonymity, recounted.\n<\/p>\n

\n In a bid \u201cto stop complaints and prevent corruption,\u201d the state conscription service claims it provides soldiers with \u201ctransparent\u201d information online or via SMS about their assignments. Officials could not be reached for further comment.\n<\/p>\n

\n In Armenia, bribery is believed to be prevalent as well. In the past, families tried to
\n
\n arrange matters
\n <\/a>
\n before their sons were entered into a lottery used to determine assignments. Some simply left the country.\n<\/p>\n

\n The government maintains that the lottery, which can be attended by family members, guarantees transparent and fair assignments. Armenian Defense Minister Seyran Ohanian denied on April 16 that only soldiers from impoverished families tend to be sent to the frontline.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u201cThat does not exactly correspond to reality,\u201d he told journalists from local media outlets. Ohanian claimed that his own son, whose name he did not give, is an officer who, like the sons of \u201cmany other high-ranking officials,\u201d serves on the frontline.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u201cThere are many sons of state officials who serve in the army,\u201d he asserted. \u201cI am not going to name them one by one now.\u201d\n<\/p>\n

\n Finance Minister Gagik Khachatrian also has claimed that his two sons \u201chave always been on the frontline.\u201d\n<\/p>\n

\n One former military correspondent challenges these claims, however. Sons of senior officials may be registered as serving on the frontline, but \u201cdo not actually serve,\u201d or, if they do, \u201chave a privileged status on their military base,\u201d alleged Zhanna Alexanian, who now runs the Reporters for Human Rights non-governmental organization.\n<\/p>\n

\n In Azerbaijan, where heated protests erupted in 2013 over
\n
\n non-combat deaths
\n <\/a>
\n of soldiers, many complain about a two-class system for soldiers, but few speak publicly. \u201cThe difficult thing is that most families keep silence,\u201d said Beyali Azizov, who believes his son, Elkhan, died in 2010 from hazing. \u201cSome people are so poor that they made peace with fate. That\u2019s why we cannot solve problems in the army.\u201d\n<\/p>\n

\n The government\u2019s minimal tolerance for public criticism does not facilitate matters. Azizov, who was
\n
\n arrested during the 2013 protest
\n <\/a>
\n , has attempted to establish an NGO of soldiers\u2019 parents to push for reform, but the government has denied it registration. His campaigning now occurs on social media.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u201cThese problems, especially social injustice, will last forever if the system remains the same,\u201d he said.\n<\/p>\n

\n Military expert Sumerenli believes that \u201ctransparency and accountability\u201d must be essential reform elements so that assignments for conscripts are \u201cdone in front of society, a group of NGOs or the media. Everyone should see who goes where and how.\u201d\n<\/p>\n

\n He advocates for scrapping conscription and, like neighboring Georgia, establishing a contract-based army, as in \u201cdemocratic and NATO countries.\u201d Military service \u201cwill become like a job, no matter if you are a soldier or an officer,\u201d he said.\n<\/p>\n

\n Within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, military service has long attracted the indigent, but complaints of favoritism exist, too.\n<\/p>\n

\n So far, though, neither Azerbaijan nor Armenia appears likely to scrap conscription to address concerns about equitable frontline assignments. \u201cOnly children of poor people fight on the frontlines,\u201d said 66-year-old Azerbaijani IDP Aligulu Humbetov, who lost four family members in the 1988-1994 fighting. \u201cIt was always like that and will be like this forever.\u201d\n<\/p>\n

\n —\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n Vusala Alibayli is a freelance journalist based in Azerbaijan. Marianna Grigoryan is a freelance reporter based in Armenia and editor of MediaLab.am.
\n <\/i><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

(Article originally published on eurasianet.org on May 11th, 2016. Written … <\/p>\n

Read more<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":57761,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_sitemap_exclude":false,"_sitemap_priority":"","_sitemap_frequency":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[48],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-175985","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","infinite-scroll-item","generate-columns","tablet-grid-50","mobile-grid-100","grid-parent","grid-33","no-featured-image-padding"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nThe poor are the first to fight in Nagorno - Karabakh - MEYDAN.TV<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/en\/article\/the-poor-are-the-first-to-fight-in-nagorno-karabakh\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The poor are the first to fight in Nagorno - Karabakh - MEYDAN.TV\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"(Article originally published on eurasianet.org on May 11th, 2016. 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