{"id":186366,"date":"2017-09-04T20:02:28","date_gmt":"2017-09-04T20:02:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/article\/avtoritarizmin-sonuncu-mudafie-xetti\/"},"modified":"2017-09-04T20:02:28","modified_gmt":"2017-09-04T20:02:28","slug":"avtoritarizmin-sonuncu-mudafie-xetti","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/avtoritarizmin-sonuncu-mudafie-xetti\/","title":{"rendered":"Avtoritarizmin sonuncu m\u00fcdafi\u0259 x\u0259tti"},"content":{"rendered":"<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\n  <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/91440\/\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-91440\"\/><figcaption><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>\n  <i><br \/>\n    Andreas \u015eedler<br \/>\n  <\/i>\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  <i><br \/>\n    Andreas \u015eedler Mexiko Siti-d\u0259 Centro de Investigaci\u00f3n y Docencia Econ\u00f3micas-da (CIDE) siyas\u0259t elmi \u00fczr\u0259 professordur. O, &#8220;Se\u00e7kili Avtoritarianizm: Qeyri-azad r\u0259qab\u0259tin dinamikalar\u0131&#8221;(2006) cildinin redaktoru olub.<br \/>\n  <\/i>\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Son iyirmi ild\u0259 planetimizd\u0259ki demokratik t\u0259\u015f\u0259kk\u00fcl\u0259 \u00f6z g\u00f6zl\u0259rimizl\u0259 \u015fahid olduq. Sovet imperiyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Avropada v\u0259 Sub-Saxara Afrikas\u0131nda se\u00e7kili demokratiyan\u0131n geni\u015fl\u0259nm\u0259siyl\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259ndi. Eyni zamanda is\u0259 biz demokratiyadan xali \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259rin yay\u0131lma\u011fa ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fck. Bu g\u00fcn Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259n qalma bircinsli rejim n\u00f6vl\u0259ri &#8211; bir partiyal\u0131 sisteml\u0259r, h\u0259rbi rejiml\u0259r v\u0259 \u015f\u0259xsi diktaturalar &#8211; dem\u0259k olar, yoxa \u00e7\u0131x\u0131blar (h\u0259tta \u00c7inin bir partiyal\u0131 rejimi insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n be\u015fd\u0259 birini idar\u0259 ets\u0259 bel\u0259).\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Bu g\u00fcn qeyri-demokratik idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin yeni ulduzlar\u0131 &#8220;se\u00e7kili avtoritar&#8221; rejiml\u0259rdir, onlar t\u0259m\u0259l demokratik standartlar\u0131 ciddi v\u0259 sistematik yollarla pozsalar da, d\u00f6vl\u0259tin b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0259viyy\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 m\u00fcnt\u0259z\u0259m olaraq \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259r ke\u00e7irirl\u0259r. Onlardan b\u0259zil\u0259ri \u0259vv\u0259lki d\u00f6vrl\u0259rin qal\u0131qlar\u0131d\u0131r (Sinqapur, Misir); b\u0259zil\u0259ri bir-partiyal\u0131 idar\u0259\u00e7ilikd\u0259n ke\u00e7idl\u0259rd\u0259n do\u011fulublar (Qabon, Kamerun); b\u0259zil\u0259ri h\u0259rbi \u00e7evrili\u015f n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 peyda olublar (\u018flc\u0259zair, Qambiya); b\u0259zil\u0259ri is\u0259 demokratik a\u015f\u0131nma prosesl\u0259ri n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 ortaya \u00e7\u0131x\u0131blar (Venesuela, Rusiya). Bu rejiml\u0259ri f\u0259rql\u0259ndir\u0259n c\u0259h\u0259t onlar\u0131n modern n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar\u0131n k\u0259\u015ffind\u0259n sonra ged\u0259n uzun tarixi m\u00fccadil\u0259d\u0259 avtoritar m\u00fcdafi\u0259nin sonuncu x\u0259ttind\u0259 dayanmalar\u0131d\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Bizim &#8220;liberal demokratiya&#8221; adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li h\u00f6kum\u0259t sistemi 18-ci \u0259srd\u0259 t\u0259rtib olunan v\u0259 haz\u0131rlanan institutlar\u0131n &#8211; konstitusiyal\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259t, f\u0259rdi h\u00fcquqlar v\u0259 azadl\u0131qlar, qanunun aliliyi, n\u0259zar\u0259t v\u0259 t\u0259fti\u015f, hakimiyy\u0259tin funksional v\u0259 \u0259razic\u0259 b\u00f6lg\u00fcs\u00fc, n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li qanunverici orqan, k\u00fctl\u0259vi se\u00e7kil\u0259r, v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f c\u0259miyy\u0259ti v\u0259 azad media &#8211; konfiqurasiyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 b\u0259rq\u0259rar olub. K\u00fctl\u0259vi siyasi partiyalar 19-cu \u0259srd\u0259 se\u00e7ki h\u00fcququnun geni\u015fl\u0259nm\u0259sinin n\u0259tic\u0259si kimi sonradan ortaya \u00e7\u0131xd\u0131. 20-ci \u0259sr is\u0259 repressiya v\u0259 da\u011f\u0131d\u0131c\u0131 texnologiyalar\u0131n\u00a0 inki\u015faf\u0131 bax\u0131m\u0131ndan faci\u0259vi d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 kreativ olsa da, \u0259sas demokratik institutlar\u0131n t\u0259\u015f\u0259kk\u00fcl\u00fcn\u0259 \u00e7ox az t\u00f6hv\u0259 verdi, istisna kimi I D\u00fcnya m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonra konstitusiya m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259rinin icad\u0131n\u0131 v\u0259 II D\u00fcnya M\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonra beyn\u0259lxalq insan h\u00fcquqlar\u0131 m\u0259fhumunun inki\u015faf\u0131n\u0131 n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 almaq olar.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  N\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar ideyaca v\u0259 fakt kimi maarif\u00e7ilik v\u0259 inqilab \u0259srl\u0259rind\u0259 ortaya \u00e7\u0131xsalar da, m\u00fcst\u0259qil d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin geni\u015fl\u0259n\u0259n d\u00fcnyas\u0131na d\u0259rhal n\u00fcfuz ed\u0259 bilm\u0259dil\u0259r. Amma onlar ba\u015fqa bir \u015feyin \u00f6hd\u0259sind\u0259n g\u0259l\u0259 bildil\u0259r, n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li h\u00f6kum\u0259t u\u011frunda iki \u0259srd\u0259n \u00e7ox davam ed\u0259n m\u00fcbariz\u0259ni alovland\u0131rd\u0131lar. Bu m\u00fcbariz\u0259 daim iki m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259li formada apar\u0131l\u0131b &#8211; birincisi, n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar qurmaq u\u011frunda m\u00fcbariz\u0259, ikincisi d\u0259 onlar\u0131 effektiv formada h\u0259yata ke\u00e7irm\u0259k u\u011frunda m\u00fcbariz\u0259 idi.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  19-cu \u0259srd\u0259 Avropada v\u0259 Amerikada ged\u0259n demokratiya m\u00fccadil\u0259l\u0259ri \u0259sas etibaril\u0259, n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar qurmaq v\u0259 g\u00fccl\u0259ndirm\u0259k, onlar\u0131 hakim\u00a0 elitalar\u0131n dominantl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan azad etm\u0259k v\u0259 v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f azadl\u0131qlar\u0131 il\u0259 siyasi h\u00fcquqlar\u0131 z\u0259ngin v\u0259 t\u0259hsilli azl\u0131qlar\u0131n \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259n geni\u015fl\u0259tm\u0259k u\u011frunda idi. Lakin buna baxmayaraq, 20-ci \u0259srin ilk yar\u0131s\u0131nda ba\u015f qald\u0131ran totalitar rejiml\u0259rin terroru I D\u00fcnya M\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonra \u0259ld\u0259 edil\u0259n demokratik d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ri silib-s\u00fcp\u00fcrd\u00fc. Hitler v\u0259 Stalin \u0259ks\u0259r n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar\u0131 qapatd\u0131lar: onlar\u0131n c\u00fczi sayda saxlad\u0131qlar\u0131 is\u0259 (Nasist Almaniyas\u0131ndak\u0131 cinay\u0259t m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259ri, Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131ndak\u0131 qanunverici orqanlar) b\u00fct\u00f6vl\u00fckd\u0259 repressiya v\u0259 m\u0259hvetm\u0259 b\u00fcrokratiyalar\u0131na uy\u011funla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Totalitarizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u0259n sonra demokratiya m\u00fccadil\u0259si yeni \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259r alt\u0131nda b\u0259rpa olundu. Ke\u00e7mi\u015f m\u00fcst\u0259ml\u0259k\u0259 \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 effektiv n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar qurmaq ist\u0259y\u0259n demokratlar art\u0131q yar\u0131m konstitusiyal\u0131 monarxiyalar v\u0259 se\u00e7kili oliqarxiyalarla deyil, h\u0259rbi rejiml\u0259r v\u0259 bir partiyal\u0131 rejiml\u0259rl\u0259 \u00fczl\u0259\u015fm\u0259li oldular. Bir \u00e7ox yerl\u0259rd\u0259 onlar v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f azadl\u0131qlar\u0131, v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f c\u0259miyy\u0259tl\u0259ri v\u0259 qanunverici orqanlara se\u00e7kil\u0259rd\u0259 yar\u0131m\u00e7\u0131q v\u0259 \u015f\u0259rti g\u00fcz\u0259\u015ftl\u0259r \u0259ld\u0259 etdil\u0259r.\u00a0 Berlin Divar\u0131n\u0131n y\u0131x\u0131lmas\u0131 &#8211; yaxud onun spontan bir k\u00fctl\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n s\u0259n\u0259tkarcas\u0131na\u00a0 da\u011f\u0131d\u0131lmas\u0131 &#8211; n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7ilikd\u0259 bir ba\u015fqa tarixi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f n\u00f6qt\u0259si oldu. O, selektivd\u0259n geni\u015f miqyasl\u0131 institutsional imtiyazlara v\u0259 bel\u0259likl\u0259 d\u0259, selektivd\u0259n h\u0259rt\u0259r\u0259fli institutsional manipulyasiyaya d\u0259yi\u015fikliy\u0259 m\u0259ruz qald\u0131.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259n sonrak\u0131 yeni se\u00e7kili avtoritar rejiml\u0259r n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar\u0131 bo\u011fmaqdansa, yaxud onlardan sad\u0259c\u0259 b\u0259zil\u0259rini q\u0259bul etm\u0259kd\u0259ns\u0259, b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckd\u0259 onlar\u0131n ham\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 q\u0259bul etdil\u0259r.\u00a0 Onlar liberal demokratiya institutlar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn elementl\u0259rini &#8211; konstitusiyadan tutmu\u015f konstitusiya m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259c\u0259n, qanunverici orqanlardan tutmu\u015f hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q agentlikl\u0259rin\u0259c\u0259n, m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 sisteml\u0259rind\u0259n tutmu\u015f federal d\u00fcz\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u0259c\u0259n, azad mediadan tutmu\u015f v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f birlikl\u0259rin\u0259c\u0259n &#8211; qurdular. \u018fn vacibi is\u0259 onlar d\u00f6vl\u0259t hakimiyy\u0259tinin b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0259viyy\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 m\u00fcnt\u0259z\u0259m \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259r ke\u00e7irdil\u0259r. \u0130nstitutsional formada bu rejiml\u0259r h\u0259qiq\u0259t\u0259n d\u0259 liberal demokratiyalardan f\u0259rql\u0259nmirl\u0259r. H\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd avtotitar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r birm\u0259nal\u0131 olaraq, bu formal konsessiyalar\u0131 \u0259sasl\u0131 n\u0259zar\u0259tl\u0259 kompensasiya edirl\u0259r. Se\u00e7kili avtoritar rejiml\u0259r n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar\u0131 bo\u011fmaqdan imtina ets\u0259l\u0259r d\u0259, onlar\u0131 manipulyasiya etm\u0259kd\u0259 ixtisasla\u015f\u0131blar. Repressiyan\u0131 r\u0259hb\u0259r tutmaqla f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259r\u0259n totalitar sisteml\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir q\u00fctb\u00fcn\u00fc \u0259l\u0259 ke\u00e7irmi\u015fdil\u0259r. \u0130nstitutsional manipulyasiyan\u0131 \u0259sas tutan se\u00e7kili avtokratiyalar is\u0259 dig\u0259r q\u00fctb\u00fc \u0259l\u0259 ke\u00e7iribl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    \u0130nstitutsional manipulyasiyan\u0131n menyular\u0131<br \/>\n  <\/b>\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  B\u00fct\u00fcn institutsional t\u0259sisatlar m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n q\u0259d\u0259r hakimiyy\u0259t n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259liyini, yaxud \u0259n az\u0131ndan n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259liyin formal \u015f\u0259klini \u00f6zl\u0259rind\u0259 ehtiva edirl\u0259r. Onlar\u0131n m\u00f6vcudlu\u011fu idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259rin r\u0259smil\u0259ri m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n tap\u015f\u0131r\u0131qlar\u0131 yerin\u0259 yetirm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn t\u0259hkim etdiyini g\u00f6st\u0259rir. Lakin hakimiyy\u0259tin avtoritar n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259liyi t\u0259hkim olunmu\u015f r\u0259sminin hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259n yar\u0131m m\u00fcst\u0259qil formada istifad\u0259 etm\u0259sin\u0259 he\u00e7 zaman g\u00f6z yummur. Avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin \u0259rs\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259tirdiyi institutsional t\u0259sisatlar bir m\u0259nal\u0131 olaraq b\u00f6y\u00fcy\u00fcb, inki\u015faf edib azadl\u0131\u011fa qovu\u015fa bilm\u0259zl\u0259r. Onlar ev heyvan\u0131n\u0131 ita\u0259td\u0259\u00a0 saxlamaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutulublar \u2013 bu \u0259hlil\u0259\u015fdirilmi\u015f ev heyvanlar\u0131 sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq ka\u011f\u0131zdan d\u00fcz\u0259ldilmi\u015f \u015firl\u0259r deyil, d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fc i\u015f atlar\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131rlar. Avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r h\u0259qiqi institutsional avtonomiyaya he\u00e7 v\u0259chl\u0259 d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fc yana\u015fm\u0131rlar. Onlar h\u0259r zaman \u00f6zl\u0259rinin \u015f\u0259xsi institutsional t\u0259sisatlar\u0131n\u0131 o \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 qoruma\u011fa v\u0259 m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rma\u011fa \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar ki, nominal demokratik qurumlar v\u0259 prosedurlar m\u0259\u011fz olaraq el\u0259 avtoritar mahiyy\u0259tli olaraq qals\u0131nlar.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r m\u00fcxt\u0259lif institutsional sah\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 \u00f6z adamlar\u0131na, h\u0259m\u00e7inin r\u0259qibl\u0259rin\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u00fcxt\u0259lif c\u00fcr strategiyalar h\u0259yata ke\u00e7ir\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r. Se\u00e7kili avtoritar rejiml\u0259rd\u0259 se\u00e7kil\u0259r dem\u0259k olar m\u0259\u011fz etibaril\u0259 m\u00fcbariz\u0259nin m\u0259rk\u0259z n\u00f6qt\u0259sidir. \u00d6z n\u00f6vb\u0259sind\u0259 elm adamlar\u0131 v\u0259 t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r nominal r\u0259qab\u0259tli se\u00e7ki prosesl\u0259rin\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn avtokratlar\u0131n m\u00fcxt\u0259lif c\u00fcr strategiyalar h\u0259yata ke\u00e7irdikl\u0259rin\u0259 kifay\u0259t q\u0259d\u0259r diqq\u0259t yetiribl\u0259r. Lakin qanunvericilik, m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 daxil olmaqla m\u0259tbuat, v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f c\u0259miyy\u0259ti v\u0259 submilli d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r (subnational governments) kimi dig\u0259r institutsional sah\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 h\u0259yata ke\u00e7iril\u0259n c\u00fcrb\u0259c\u00fcr manipulyativ texnikalarla ba\u011fl\u0131 bizim konseptual koordinatlar\u0131m\u0131z v\u0259 empirik x\u0259rit\u0259l\u0259rimiz o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 yax\u015f\u0131 inki\u015faf etm\u0259yib. Avtoritar liderl\u0259rin m\u00fcxt\u0259lif sah\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 dair s\u0259r\u0259ncamlar\u0131nda olan manipulyasiyan\u0131n m\u00fcxt\u0259lif menyular\u0131n\u0131n kort\u0259bii eskizl\u0259ri n\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n ibar\u0259tdir? Bu &#8220;menyular\u0131n menyusu&#8221; analitik struktur bax\u0131m\u0131ndan tamamlanm\u0131\u015f v\u0259 vahid olma\u011fa iddia etmir, amma o, avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259rin formal n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259lik institutlar\u0131n\u0131 \u0259hlil\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn hans\u0131 metodlardan istifad\u0259 etm\u0259sini g\u00f6st\u0259r\u0259n ilkin c\u0259hd ola bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\n  <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/91446\/\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-91446\"\/><figcaption><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    Qanunvericilik.<br \/>\n  <\/b><br \/>\n  \u018fks\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259r m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n n\u00f6v qanunverici m\u0259clis \u0259rs\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259tirirl\u0259r. Daha do\u011frusu, onlar qanun yazma\u011fa t\u0259hkim olunan bir kollektiv qurum yarad\u0131rlar, m\u0259rk\u0259zi d\u00f6vl\u0259t (\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn m\u0259cburi tutumu il\u0259) is\u0259 bu qanunlar\u0131 insanlara s\u0131r\u0131ma\u011fa \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Nisb\u0259td\u0259 ki\u00e7ik \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc olduqlar\u0131n\u0131 n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 alsaq, qanunverici hakimiyy\u0259tl\u0259r avtoritar n\u0259zar\u0259t \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn asan obyektl\u0259rdir. Qanunverici subordinasiyan\u0131 h\u0259yata ke\u00e7irm\u0259kd\u0259n \u00f6tr\u00fc idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7 \u0259sas strategiyan\u0131 izl\u0259y\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  1) G\u00fccd\u0259n m\u0259hrumetm\u0259. \u0130dar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r qanunverici hakimiyy\u0259tl\u0259r\u0259 formal m\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259r t\u0259tbiq ed\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r, onlar\u0131n n\u0259yi edib, n\u0259yi etm\u0259m\u0259l\u0259rini ciddi m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131la bil\u0259rl\u0259r;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  2) Adamlara n\u0259zar\u0259t. H\u0259tta qanunvericilik formal olaraq geni\u015f hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 malikdirs\u0259 bel\u0259, qanunvericil\u0259ri se\u00e7m\u0259y\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t ed\u0259n avtoritar d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r ya birba\u015fa deputat t\u0259yin etm\u0259kl\u0259, ya da se\u00e7ilmi\u015f komit\u0259l\u0259ri kimin idar\u0259 ed\u0259c\u0259yini se\u00e7m\u0259kl\u0259 qanunvericil\u0259ri b\u0259sit m\u00f6h\u00fcr vurana \u00e7evirirl\u0259r. Alternativ olaraq, onlar deputatlar\u0131 icra ediciyl\u0259 \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131\u011fa c\u0259lb etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u00fcqavim\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rilm\u0259si m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan t\u0259\u015fviqat strukturu (qorxutmaq v\u0259 yaxud i\u015fbirliyin\u0259 c\u0259lb etm\u0259k) \u0259rs\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259tir\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  3) Par\u00e7alama. Haradak\u0131 idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r qanunvericil\u0259rin davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131na n\u0259zar\u0259t ed\u0259 bilmirl\u0259r, o zaman birliyi par\u00e7alamaqla, yaxud partiya fraksiyalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7oxaltma\u011fa h\u0259v\u0259sl\u0259ndirm\u0259kl\u0259 onlar aras\u0131ndak\u0131 koordinasiyan\u0131 q\u0131ra bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\n  <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/91443\/\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-91443\"\/><figcaption><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    M\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259.<br \/>\n  <\/b><br \/>\n  Prinsipc\u0259 m\u00fcasir m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 sisteml\u0259ri f\u0259rdl\u0259r aras\u0131nda, v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar v\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t qurumlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda v\u0259 qurumlar\u0131n \u00f6zl\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 m\u00fcbahis\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 ayd\u0131nl\u0131q g\u0259tirm\u0259y\u0259 xidm\u0259t edir. He\u00e7 bir m\u00fcasir avtoritar qurulu\u015f m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 sistemi olmadan ke\u00e7in\u0259 b\u0259lm\u0259s\u0259 d\u0259, o, bu &#8220;\u0259n az t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259li olan qolu&#8221;n qanadlar\u0131n\u0131 q\u0131rmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u00fcxt\u0259lif n\u00f6v metodlar h\u0259yata ke\u00e7ir\u0259 bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  1) G\u00fccd\u0259n m\u0259hrumetm\u0259. Avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r onlar\u0131n yurisdiksiyas\u0131n\u0131 spesifik i\u015f sah\u0259l\u0259riyl\u0259 m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rmaqla v\u0259 onlar\u0131n t\u0259hqiqat\u00e7\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc l\u0259\u011fv etm\u0259kl\u0259 (onlar\u0131 uy\u011fun s\u00fcbut m\u0259nb\u0259yi kimi sad\u0259c\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t r\u0259smil\u0259rin\u0259 m\u00fcraci\u0259t etm\u0259y\u0259 m\u0259hkum etm\u0259kl\u0259) m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259rin hakimiyy\u0259tin\u0259 formal m\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259r t\u0259tbiq ed\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r. Onlar el\u0259 iyerarxik appelyasiya sisteml\u0259ri yarada bil\u0259rl\u0259r ki, m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 daha y\u00fcks\u0259k s\u0259viyy\u0259d\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn hakiml\u0259ri a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 saxlamaqla, m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 q\u0259rarlar\u0131n\u0131 m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259\u015fdir\u0259 v\u0259 unifikasiya ed\u0259 bilsinl\u0259r. Onlar h\u0259m\u00e7inin m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 bax\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n diapozonunu m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rmaqdan \u00f6tr\u00fc, onlara \u00e7oxlu formal t\u0259nziml\u0259m\u0259 \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259l\u0259ri s\u0131r\u0131ya bil\u0259rl\u0259r (ba\u015fqa s\u00f6zl\u0259 des\u0259k, h\u00fcquqi m\u00fc\u015favir\u0259ni b\u00fcrokratikl\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259kl\u0259). \u018fn n\u0259hay\u0259t, idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r h\u00fcquqi q\u0259rar\u0131n effektivliyini neytralla\u015fd\u0131rmaqdan \u00f6tr\u00fc ist\u0259m\u0259dikl\u0259ri q\u0259rarlar\u0131 sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq &#8220;ke\u00e7\u0259rsiz&#8221; saya bil\u0259rl\u0259r;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  2) Adamlara n\u0259zar\u0259t<br \/>\n  <b><br \/>\n    .<br \/>\n  <\/b><br \/>\n  Qanunverici hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 nec\u0259 edirdil\u0259rs\u0259, avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r hakiml\u0259r\u0259 d\u0259 m\u0259cburi prosedurlar v\u0259 stimulla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 vasit\u0259l\u0259r yoluyla n\u0259zar\u0259t etm\u0259kl\u0259, formal c\u0259h\u0259td\u0259n g\u00fccl\u00fc m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 sistemini idar\u0259 ed\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r: Onlar iyasi bax\u0131mdan etibarl\u0131 magistratlar\u0131 se\u00e7\u0259 v\u0259 onlar\u0131 cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 c\u0259rim\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 \u0259l\u0259 ala bil\u0259rl\u0259r. Avtoritar rejiml\u0259r s\u0259daq\u0259tli xidm\u0259t\u00e7il\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn n\u0259h\u0259ng i\u015f agentlikl\u0259ridir, lakin onlar h\u0259m d\u0259 t\u0259l\u0259b\u0259l\u0259rin v\u0259 ictimai administrasiyan\u0131n adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kimi &#8220;\u015firnikl\u0259ndirm\u0259&#8221; m\u00fct\u0259x\u0259ssil\u0259ridir. Qar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ql\u0131 \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259daxili v\u0259 m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259xaric stimullar\u0131 g\u00fccl\u0259ndirm\u0259kl\u0259, avtoritarlar \u0259min olurlar ki, &#8220;\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc-m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rma&#8221; strategiyas\u0131ndan ba\u015fqa b\u00fct\u00fcn dig\u0259r m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 strategiyalar\u0131 hakiml\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u015f\u0259xsi bax\u0131mdan uy\u011funsuz, siyasi bax\u0131mdan is\u0259 &#8220;m\u0259\u011flubiyy\u0259tl\u0259&#8221; n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259n\u0259c\u0259k;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  3) Par\u00e7alama. Avtoritar liderl\u0259r vahid m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 yaratmaqdansa, m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259r aras\u0131ndak\u0131 koordinasiyan\u0131n qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131r v\u0259 &#8220;kort\u0259bii m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 sistemi qurmaqla m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 f\u0259all\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 cilovlay\u0131rlar&#8221;, bel\u0259likl\u0259 d\u0259, &#8220;istisna m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259r adi m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 sistemiyl\u0259 paralel f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rmi\u015f olurlar&#8221;. \u0130craedicininin\u00a0 dominantl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131ndak\u0131, ad\u0259t\u0259n s\u0131ravi m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n \u00fcstd\u0259 dayanan x\u00fcsusi m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259r is\u0259 h\u0259ssas m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 g\u00fccl\u00fc siyasi n\u0259zar\u0259t h\u0259yata ke\u00e7irirl\u0259r;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  4) \u0130zolyasiya. \u0130dar\u0259\u00e7iy\u0259 \u0259saslanan m\u00fcbahis\u0259 arbitraj\u0131 qapal\u0131 sistemin b\u00fct\u00fcn iddialar\u0131n\u0131 \u0259ks etdirs\u0259 d\u0259, m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 sisteml\u0259ri, dig\u0259r b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00f6vl\u0259t institutlar\u0131 kimi \u00f6zl\u0259rinin sosial m\u00fchitl\u0259rin\u0259 m\u0259hkumdurlar. Onlar v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131 &#8220;\u00fcf\u00fcq\u00fc&#8221; olaraq x\u00fcsusi g\u00fccl\u00fc aktyorlardan, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n &#8220;\u015faquli&#8221; olaraq ictimai s\u0259lahiyy\u0259t sahibl\u0259rind\u0259n qorumaq qabiliyy\u0259ti, g\u00fccl\u00fc aktyorlarla \u00fczl\u0259\u015fm\u0259k bacar\u0131\u011f\u0131 v\u0259 ist\u0259yi olan \u0259trafdak\u0131 pe\u015f\u0259kar v\u0259 m\u00fclki assosiasiyalar\u0131n \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259sind\u0259n h\u0259dsiz d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259\u00a0 as\u0131l\u0131d\u0131rlar. &#8220;M\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259y\u0259 d\u0259st\u0259k olan \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259l\u0259ri s\u0131radan \u00e7\u0131xarmaqla&#8221; avtoritar liderl\u0259r m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 sah\u0259sind\u0259 \u00fczl\u0259\u015f\u0259 bil\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259ri probleml\u0259rin qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 effektiv \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 ala bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\n  <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/91449\/\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-91449\"\/><figcaption><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    Se\u00e7kil\u0259r<br \/>\n  <\/b><br \/>\n  . Avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r se\u00e7kil\u0259r ke\u00e7irm\u0259y\u0259 haz\u0131rla\u015f\u0131rlarsa, onlar onu qeyri-r\u0259qab\u0259tcil etm\u0259kl\u0259 m\u0259\u011flubiyy\u0259t riskini minumum s\u0259viyy\u0259y\u0259 endirirl\u0259r, yaxud \u0259g\u0259r onlar \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 r\u0259qab\u0259t\u0259 icaz\u0259 verirl\u0259rs\u0259, onlar\u0131n h\u00f6kum\u0259t s\u0259viyy\u0259sind\u0259 t\u0259msil\u00e7ilikl\u0259rini minimuma endirirl\u0259r. H\u0259tta \u0259g\u0259r b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7ki ke\u00e7irm\u0259k q\u0259rar\u0131na g\u0259ls\u0259l\u0259r &#8211; onlar el\u0259 m\u0259hz buna g\u00f6r\u0259 &#8220;se\u00e7kili avtoritar&#8221; rejiml\u0259r adland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rlar &#8211; onlar\u0131n \u0259ll\u0259rind\u0259 se\u00e7kil\u0259rin g\u0259tir\u0259 bil\u0259c\u0259yi n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259ri maniulyasiya etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00e7ox sayda imkanlar olur.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  1) G\u00fccs\u00fczl\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259. \u0130dar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq se\u00e7ilmi\u015f r\u0259sminin portfoliosunun (rezerv olunmu\u015f yer) yurisdiksiyas\u0131n\u0131 h\u0259ssas siyasi b\u00f6lg\u0259d\u0259n \u00e7\u0131xara bil\u0259r, yaxud se\u00e7ilmi\u015f r\u0259smil\u0259r se\u00e7ilm\u0259mi\u015f r\u0259smil\u0259rin (avtoritar himay\u0259 alt\u0131nda olanlar) veto etm\u0259k g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u0259 m\u0259ruz qala bil\u0259rl\u0259r;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  2) M\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259r bazar\u0131. \u0130dar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r m\u00fcxalif\u0259t partiyalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131xda\u015f etm\u0259kl\u0259, s\u0131ralar\u0131n\u0131 pozmaqla, par\u00e7alamaqla se\u00e7icil\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn se\u00e7iml\u0259ri m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131ra bil\u0259rl\u0259r (t\u0259dar\u00fck m\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri); onlar m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin ictimai sferaya \u0259dal\u0259tli \u00e7\u0131x\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 l\u0259\u011fv etm\u0259kl\u0259 se\u00e7ici \u00fcst\u00fcntutmalar\u0131na \u0259ng\u0259l ola bil\u0259rl\u0259r (t\u0259l\u0259b m\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri); v\u0259 onlar se\u00e7icil\u0259rin kompozisiyas\u0131n\u0131 qanun \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259sind\u0259, yaxud de-fakto v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f h\u00fcquqlar\u0131ndan m\u0259hrum etm\u0259kl\u0259 d\u0259yi\u015fdir\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r (se\u00e7icil\u0259rin ekspropriasiyas\u0131);\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  3) \u00dcst\u00fcntutmalar\u0131 pozma. \u0130dar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r zorak\u0131l\u0131qla h\u0259d\u0259l\u0259m\u0259kl\u0259 v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n se\u00e7kil\u0259rd\u0259ki h\u0259qiqi \u00fcst\u00fcntutmalar\u0131n\u0131n qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ala bil\u0259rl\u0259r (v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f\u0131 qorxutma), yaxud pulla \u015firnikl\u0259ndir\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r (se\u00e7imi sat\u0131n alma);\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  4) Se\u00e7kil\u0259rin pozulmas\u0131. \u018fn n\u0259hay\u0259t, se\u00e7icil\u0259r se\u00e7ki qutusunda \u00f6z irad\u0259l\u0259rini ifad\u0259 etdikd\u0259n sonra, n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259r ayr\u0131-se\u00e7kilik sal\u0131nmaqla (se\u00e7ki saxtakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131), yaxud ayr\u0131-se\u00e7kici t\u0259sisatlar\u0131n vasit\u0259siyl\u0259 se\u00e7kil\u0259rd\u0259n \u0259vv\u0259l m\u00fcxalif\u0259t partiyalar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131radan \u00e7\u0131xarmaqla (onlar\u0131n qanunverici orqanda i\u015ftirak\u0131na \u0259ng\u0259l t\u00f6r\u0259d\u0259n majoritar se\u00e7ki qaydas\u0131 kimi) ciddi \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 pozuntuya m\u0259ruz qala bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\n  <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/91452\/\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-91452\"\/><figcaption><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    M\u0259tbuat.<br \/>\n  <\/b><br \/>\n  &#8220;\u0130nformasiyan\u0131n alternativ m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259ri&#8221; demokratiyan\u0131n \u0259sas xass\u0259si oldu\u011fu kimi, yanl\u0131\u015f x\u0259b\u0259r v\u0259 dezinformasiya avtoritarizmin \u0259sas xass\u0259l\u0259ridirl\u0259r. V\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n siyasi reall\u0131\u011f\u0131n r\u0259qab\u0259tcil ortam\u0131ndak\u0131 i\u015ftirak\u0131n\u0131 z\u0259ifl\u0259tm\u0259kd\u0259n \u00f6tr\u00fc, qeyri-demokratik idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r kommunikasiya vasit\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259, median\u0131n kontentin\u0259 v\u0259 media istehlak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na m\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259r t\u0259tbiq ed\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r:\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  1) Siyasi informasiyan\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131 v\u0259 istehsal\u0131 vasit\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 \u00f6z\u0259l n\u0259zar\u0259ti m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn avtoritar rejiml\u0259r bir qayda olaraq \u00e7ap, yay\u0131m, yaxud elektron mediaya d\u00f6vl\u0259t monopoliyalar\u0131 t\u0259tbiq edirl\u0259r. Qanuni siyasi kommunikasiyaya tam n\u0259zar\u0259ti \u0259l\u0259 almaqla b\u0259zi diktatura d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri daha da ir\u0259li gedibl\u0259r, \u00e7ap ma\u015f\u0131n\u0131 kimi yaz\u0131l\u0131 \u00fcnsiyy\u0259t vasit\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259, fotokopiyalara, komp\u00fcterl\u0259r\u0259 v\u0259 internet\u0259 f\u0259rdi \u00e7\u0131x\u0131\u015f m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131l\u0131b. \u018flb\u0259tt\u0259, \u0259g\u0259r d\u00f6vl\u0259t qeyri-d\u00f6vl\u0259t m\u0259tbuat\u0131na icaz\u0259 verirs\u0259 bel\u0259, h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 onun\u00a0 \u0259lind\u0259\u00a0 m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn, yaxud narahatl\u0131q yaradanlar\u0131n qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 almaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn kifay\u0259t q\u0259d\u0259r vasit\u0259l\u0259r var &#8211; m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, informasiya vasit\u0259l\u0259ri f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn lisenziyalardan, yaxud ictimai reklam\u00e7\u0131l\u0131qdan m\u0259hrum edil\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r, yaxud polis, vergi administrasiyas\u0131, yaxud anti-korrupsiya idar\u0259si onlar\u0131 qapada bil\u0259r;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  2) Kommunikasiya vasit\u0259l\u0259rini \u00f6z\u0259l \u0259ll\u0259r\u0259 t\u0259slim ed\u0259n avtoritar rejiml\u0259r ad\u0259t\u0259n median\u0131n kontentini m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rma\u011fa meyilli olurlar. B\u0259z\u0259n onlar senzura t\u0259nziml\u0259m\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n istifad\u0259 edirl\u0259r. Dig\u0259r hallarda onlar jurnalistl\u0259ri d\u00f6ym\u0259kl\u0259, yaxud m\u0259tbuat qurumlar\u0131n\u0131 vergi pozuntular\u0131yla g\u00fcnahland\u0131rmaqla daha qeyri-formal, dolay\u0131 vasit\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n istifad\u0259 edirl\u0259r. H\u0259m qanunu senzura, h\u0259m d\u0259 qanundank\u0259nar h\u0259d\u0259l\u0259r \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc-senzuran\u0131 t\u0259\u015fviq etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn edilir.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  3) V\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131q informasiya q\u0259bulunu m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r avtoritar n\u0259zar\u0259td\u0259n k\u0259narda istehsal olunan informasiyaya k\u00fctl\u0259vi \u00e7\u0131x\u0131\u015f\u0131 l\u0259\u011fv ed\u0259, yaxud onlar\u0131 material bax\u0131m\u0131ndan \u0259ng\u0259ll\u0259y\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r (beyn\u0259lxalq media daxil olmaqla).\n<\/p>\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\n  <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/91455\/\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-91455\"\/><figcaption><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    V\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f c\u0259miyy\u0259ti<br \/>\n  <\/b><br \/>\n  . Repressiya v\u0259 \u0259l\u0259alma avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n m\u00fcasir &#8220;birlik s\u0259n\u0259ti&#8221;ni t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259d\u0259n ke\u00e7irm\u0259l\u0259rini \u0259ng\u0259ll\u0259m\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn istifad\u0259 etdikl\u0259ri \u0259n \u0259sas strategiyalard\u0131r. M\u0259\u011fz etibaril\u0259, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan g\u0259l\u0259n t\u0259zyiqi z\u0259ifl\u0259tm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn avtoritar qurulu\u015flar maraq qruplar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259t n\u0259zar\u0259tind\u0259 olan t\u0259\u015fkilatlara (iyerarxiya) y\u00f6nl\u0259ndirm\u0259kl\u0259, v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131 birlikd\u0259 h\u0259r\u0259k\u0259t etm\u0259kd\u0259n (qeyri-m\u00fct\u0259\u015f\u0259kkilik) yay\u0131nd\u0131ra, yaxud v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f birlikl\u0259rini bir-birin\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 qoya bil\u0259rl\u0259r (par\u00e7alama):\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  1) Mobill\u0259\u015fmi\u015f bir partiyal\u0131 rejiml\u0259r v\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t korporasiyas\u0131 rejiml\u0259ri iyerarxik t\u0259\u015fkilatlanmadan avtonom v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f c\u0259miyy\u0259tinin qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 almaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn istifad\u0259 edirl\u0259r;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  2) Bunun \u0259ksin\u0259 olaraq, qeyri-mobil avtoritar rejiml\u0259r &#8211; \u0259ks\u0259r se\u00e7kili avtokratiyalar &#8211; atomla\u015fm\u0131\u015f v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131 \u00f6z\u0259l sah\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n yay\u0131nd\u0131rma\u011fa \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar v\u0259 sonra is\u0259 \u00fcmumi susqunluq m\u00fchitin\u0259 nail olmaqdan \u00f6tr\u00fc ictimai g\u00fccl\u0259ri par\u00e7alamaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn qollar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131rmalay\u0131rlar;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  3) \u018fg\u0259r v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f c\u0259miyy\u0259ti d\u00f6vl\u0259t\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 avtonom birlik sah\u0259si mahiyy\u0259ti k\u0259sb edirs\u0259, bu sah\u0259y\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t etm\u0259k bax\u0131m\u0131ndan iyerarxiya v\u0259 da\u011f\u0131n\u0131ql\u0131q da m\u0259ntiqi olaraq \u0259ks q\u00fctbl\u0259ri ehtiva edir: birincisi avtonom olmadan t\u0259\u015fkilat, ikincisi is\u0259 t\u0259\u015fkilat olmadan avtonomiya qura bilm\u0259z. Avtoritar s\u0259rh\u0259d \u00e7\u0259km\u0259 m\u0259qs\u0259diyl\u0259 \u00fcf\u00fcqi n\u0259zar\u0259t v\u0259 \u015faquli kommunikasiyan\u0131n pozulmas\u0131 funksional bax\u0131mdan eyni mahiyy\u0259td\u0259dir.\u00a0 Bu iki ucun ortas\u0131nda &#8220;par\u00e7ala, h\u00f6km s\u00fcr&#8221; strategiyas\u0131 yat\u0131r: C\u0259zalar\u0131n v\u0259 m\u00fckafatlar\u0131n selektiv paylanmas\u0131 yoluyla idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r m\u00f6vcud v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f c\u0259miyy\u0259tl\u0259ri aras\u0131nda par\u00e7alanmalar yarada bil\u0259rl\u0259r. Biz bu c\u00fcr ara situasiyalara, m\u0259s\u0259l \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn, Orta \u015e\u0259rqin m\u00fcasir rejiml\u0259rini qoruyub saxlayan &#8220;r\u0259qab\u0259tin par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f strukturlar\u0131&#8221; qismind\u0259 rast g\u0259l\u0259\u00a0 bil\u0259rik.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    Yerli h\u00f6kum\u0259t<br \/>\n  <\/b><br \/>\n  . Avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7ilik yerli siyas\u0259tin sona yetdiyini tez-tez b\u0259yan edir. Yerl\u0259rd\u0259 probleml\u0259rin ortaya \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131n\u0131 \u0259ng\u0259ll\u0259m\u0259kd\u0259n \u00f6tr\u00fc m\u0259rk\u0259zi s\u0259lahiyy\u0259t qurumlar\u0131 &#8220;lokal elitalar \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259tl\u0259rini itir\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259ri ehtimal\u0131n\u0131 \u0259n a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 s\u0259viyy\u0259y\u0259 salmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn institutsional mexanizml\u0259ri&#8221; inki\u015faf etdirm\u0259lidirl\u0259r. Repressiya, b\u00fcrokratik n\u0259zar\u0259t, hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q v\u0259 artbitraj y\u0259qin ki, \u0259n m\u0259\u015fhur mexanizml\u0259rdir.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  1) M\u0259rk\u0259z-periferiya \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259ki repressiv rejiml\u0259rd\u0259 m\u0259rk\u0259zi hakimiyy\u0259tl\u0259r n\u0259zar\u0259t v\u0259 fiziki c\u0259zaland\u0131rma \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn paralel b\u00fcrokratiyalar yarad\u0131rd\u0131lar, Stalinin \u0259mri alt\u0131ndak\u0131 Sovet gizli polisinin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 \u00e7inli r\u0259smil\u0259ri ita\u0259td\u0259 saxlamaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn h\u0259yata ke\u00e7irdiyi terror buna bir misald\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  2) B\u00fcrokratik rejiml\u0259rd\u0259 m\u0259rk\u0259zi hakimiyy\u0259tl\u0259r iyerarxik formada d\u00f6vl\u0259tin \u0259razi s\u0259viyy\u0259l\u0259rini qururlar. Onlar yuxar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 r\u0259smil\u0259r t\u0259yin etm\u0259kl\u0259 yerli\u00a0 h\u00f6kum\u0259tl\u0259ri n\u0259zar\u0259td\u0259 saxlay\u0131rlar. Bu \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259r daxilind\u0259 submilli h\u00f6kum\u0259tin h\u0259r bir birliyi &#8220;[\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn] \u0259sas r\u0259mil\u0259rini t\u0259yin etm\u0259k, \u00e7\u0131xda\u015f etm\u0259k, i\u015fd\u0259n \u00e7\u0131xarmaq m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259 iyerarxik c\u0259h\u0259td\u0259n daha g\u00fccl\u00fc olan birliyin tutumu qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda k\u0259skin h\u0259dd\u0259 m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olar&#8221;.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  3) Hesabatl\u0131 rejiml\u0259rd\u0259 avtoritar qurulu\u015flar lokal qurumlara geni\u015f s\u0259lahiyy\u0259tl\u0259r verirl\u0259r, lakin bununla bel\u0259 onlar\u0131 ciddi performans u\u011fursuzluqlar\u0131na g\u00f6r\u0259 m\u0259suliyy\u0259tli bilirl\u0259r. Bu c\u00fcr n\u0259tic\u0259y\u0259 k\u00f6kl\u0259nmi\u015f hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q kriteriyas\u0131 siyasi d\u0259 ola bil\u0259r (sosial stabilliyin qorunmas\u0131 bax\u0131m\u0131ndan), qeyri-siyasi d\u0259 (iqtisadi art\u0131m u\u011furu kimi);\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  4) \u018fn n\u0259hay\u0259t, arbitraj rejiml\u0259rind\u0259 avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7i paytaxt \u015f\u0259h\u0259rd\u0259 \u00f6z m\u0259nf\u0259\u0259tin\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259, submilli fraksiyalar aras\u0131ndak\u0131 r\u0259qab\u0259t\u0259 hakimlik ed\u0259 bil\u0259r, bu m\u0259nada o, qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131al\u0131nmaz xarici q\u00fcvv\u0259 kimi ortaya \u00e7\u0131xmaqla regionalarda v\u0259 yerl\u0259rd\u0259 daxili g\u00fcc balans\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259min etmi\u015f olur.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    \u0130nstitutsional qeyri-m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259nlik<br \/>\n  <\/b>\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Modern avtoritarizmi \u00f6yr\u0259n\u0259nl\u0259r qeyri-demokratik idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin institutsional \u0259saslar\u0131ndan lap \u00e7oxdand\u0131r x\u0259b\u0259rdard\u0131rlar. Totalitar diktatorlu\u011fun, yaxud h\u0259rbi idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin m\u0259ntiqini t\u0259dqiq ed\u0259nl\u0259r etiraf edirl\u0259r ki, h\u0259m h\u0259rbi b\u00fcrokratiyalar\u0131n (siyasi polis daxil olmaqla), h\u0259m d\u0259 m\u00fclki b\u00fcrokratiyalar\u0131n (t\u0259k partiyalar daxil olmaqla) rolu diktatura hakimiyy\u0259tind\u0259 h\u0259lledici elementl\u0259rdir. Repressiya institutlar\u0131ndan f\u0259rqli olaraq is\u0259, avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin formal c\u0259h\u0259td\u0259n n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar\u0131na kifay\u0259t q\u0259d\u0259r diqq\u0259t yetirilm\u0259yib. M\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259\u00e7il\u0259rin z\u0259nninc\u0259, avtoritar rejiml\u0259r el\u0259 sah\u0259l\u0259rdir ki, hakimiyy\u0259tin faktiki korrelasiyas\u0131na v\u0259 h\u00f6kum\u0259tin qeyri-formal t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 formal m\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259r hans\u0131sa g\u00fcc\u0259 sahib deyill\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  \u018flb\u0259tt\u0259, n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin al\u0131\u015f-veri\u015f d\u00fckanlar\u0131nda g\u00f6z\u0259l dekorasiyalard\u0131r. Lakin bununla bel\u0259, bu c\u00fcr institutlar estetik d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ri il\u0259 yana\u015f\u0131, avtoritar rejiml\u0259r\u0259 g\u00fccd\u0259n istifad\u0259 v\u0259 onu \u0259ld\u0259 saxlamaq n\u00f6qteyi n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n bir al\u0259t kimi d\u0259y\u0259r k\u0259sb edirl\u0259r. Premodern iyerarxik d\u00f6vl\u0259t\u0259, yaxud m\u00fcasir d\u00f6vl\u0259tin m\u00fcr\u0259kk\u0259b b\u00fcrokratik strukturlar\u0131na ba\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q etm\u0259zd\u0259n \u0259vv\u0259l, h\u00f6kum\u0259tl\u0259r iki fundamental tap\u015f\u0131r\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerin\u0259 yetirm\u0259lidirl\u0259r: Qar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131na qoyduqlar\u0131 t\u0259m\u0259l m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259r n\u0259 olur olsun, idar\u0259\u00e7ilik qabiliyy\u0259tl\u0259rini (idar\u0259\u00e7ilik problemi) m\u00fchafiz\u0259 etm\u0259li; ikincisi is\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259tl\u0259rinin davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (siyasi m\u00f6vcudluq problemi) m\u00fchafiz\u0259 etm\u0259lidirl\u0259r. Birincisini elm adamlar\u0131 tez-tez &#8220;\u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q&#8221; problemi kimi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u0259r (bir haldak\u0131 t\u0259hkimlil\u0259r hakimiyy\u0259tin strukturlar\u0131n\u0131 qorumaq v\u0259 inki\u015faf etdirm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u0259m\u0259k v\u0259 vergil\u0259r n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n t\u00f6hv\u0259 verm\u0259lidirl\u0259r), ikincisi is\u0259 &#8220;uy\u011funluq&#8221; problemi kimi ortaya \u00e7\u0131x\u0131r (bir haldak\u0131 t\u0259hkimlil\u0259r, h\u0259m\u00e7inin elitalar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259rin hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259 qalmas\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn status-kvonu q\u0259bul etm\u0259lidirl\u0259r).\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 basq\u0131lar\u0131na n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar yaratmaqla v\u0259 onlar\u0131 manipulyasiya etm\u0259kl\u0259 cavab verm\u0259k avtoritar qurulu\u015flara \u00f6zl\u0259rinin m\u00f6vcudluq v\u0259 idar\u0259\u00e7ilik probleml\u0259rini yum\u015faltma\u011fa k\u00f6m\u0259k edir. Bu, onlara sosial qruplarla v\u0259 f\u0259rdl\u0259rl\u0259 \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 q\u00fcvv\u0259tl\u0259ndirm\u0259y\u0259 k\u00f6m\u0259k etm\u0259li, \u00f6z n\u00f6vb\u0259sind\u0259 is\u0259 rejim qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yaranan probleml\u0259ri (aktual v\u0259 potensial) aradan qald\u0131rma\u011fa k\u00f6m\u0259k etm\u0259lidir. Avtoritar rejiml\u0259rl\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 artmaqda olan m\u00fcqayis\u0259li t\u0259dqiqatlar ortalama olaraq bel\u0259 dem\u0259y\u0259 \u0259sas verir ki, n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li instututlar bel\u0259 rejiml\u0259r\u0259 d\u0259st\u0259k funksiyas\u0131n\u0131 yerin\u0259 yetirirmi\u015f kimi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u0259r. Bununla bel\u0259, onlar qa\u00e7\u0131lmaz olaraq m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n q\u0259d\u0259r k\u00f6kum\u0259ti devirm\u0259 toxumlar\u0131n\u0131 da \u00f6z i\u00e7l\u0259rind\u0259 da\u015f\u0131y\u0131rlar. \u0130nstitutlar ma\u015f\u0131n deyill\u0259r. Onlar insanlar t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n idar\u0259 olunduqlar\u0131ndan tam n\u0259zar\u0259t alt\u0131na al\u0131na bilm\u0259zl\u0259r: h\u0259rgah bel\u0259dirl\u0259rs\u0259, dem\u0259li, diktatura yarad\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ehtiyaclar\u0131n\u0131 b\u0259sl\u0259m\u0259kd\u0259n imtina ed\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Bu, avtoritarizmin institutsional g\u00fcz\u0259\u015ftinin bir dilemmas\u0131d\u0131r, \u0259g\u0259r siyasi institutlar g\u00fcc\u00fcn v\u0259 avtonomiyan\u0131n minimal d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259sin\u0259 malik deyill\u0259rs\u0259, o zaman onlar avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7iliy\u0259 v\u0259 onun m\u00f6vcudlu\u011funa m\u00fcst\u0259qil \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 t\u00f6hv\u0259 ver\u0259 bilm\u0259zl\u0259r. Lakin siyasi institutlara m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n g\u00fcc v\u0259 avtonomiya veril\u0259n kimi onlar diktatora qar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7evril\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r. Onlar ictimaiyy\u0259t \u00f6n\u00fcnd\u0259, yaxud zirz\u0259mil\u0259rd\u0259, a\u00e7\u0131q, yaxud qapal\u0131 m\u0259kanlarda, q\u0259hr\u0259manca, yaxud s\u00fclhp\u0259rv\u0259rc\u0259, f\u0259dakar, yaxud \u00f6z maraqlar\u0131 namin\u0259 m\u00fcbariz\u0259 meydanlar\u0131 v\u0259 dir\u0259ni\u015f yerl\u0259ri a\u00e7\u0131rlar &#8211; buralarda m\u00fcxt\u0259lif qruplar v\u0259 f\u0259rdl\u0259r imkanlar\u0131 \u00e7atan q\u0259d\u0259r m\u00fcxt\u0259lif yollarla s\u0131naqlardan ke\u00e7irl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Daha sonra, avtokratiyalarda n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259lik institutlar\u0131 t\u0259kc\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t v\u0259 \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q deyil, h\u0259m d\u0259 \u00e7\u0259ki\u015fm\u0259 sah\u0259l\u0259ridir. H\u0259tta \u0259g\u0259r avtoritar institutlar n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutulduqlar\u0131 kimi m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin s\u0259yl\u0259rini q\u0131rsalar da, y\u00f6nl\u0259ndirs\u0259l\u0259r d\u0259, par\u00e7alasalar da, rejimin t\u0259nqid\u00e7il\u0259ri h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n h\u0259dd\u0259 bu avtoritar institutlar\u0131 neytralla\u015fd\u0131ra, h\u0259tta onlar\u0131 \u00f6z m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259rin\u0259 uy\u011fun istifad\u0259 ed\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r. Habel\u0259 nominal demokratik institutlar avtokratiyan\u0131 f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259y\u0259 v\u0259 avtoritar liderl\u0259rin hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259 m\u00f6vcud olmaq ehtimallar\u0131n\u0131 v\u0259 effektiv idar\u0259etm\u0259l\u0259rini g\u00fccl\u0259ndirs\u0259l\u0259r d\u0259, onlar\u0131n h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 avtoritar stabilliyi v\u0259 idar\u0259\u00e7iliyi a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131rmaq ehtimal\u0131 var. Bir haldak\u0131 siyasi institutlar t\u0259kc\u0259 faydal\u0131 olmay\u0131b, h\u0259m d\u0259 t\u0259hdid edirl\u0259rs\u0259, bir haldak\u0131 onlar\u0131n t\u0259kc\u0259 d\u0259st\u0259kl\u0259m\u0259k deyil, h\u0259m d\u0259 &#8220;avtokratik idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc qaz\u0131maq potensiallar\u0131 var, o zaman onlar\u0131 yaratma\u011f\u0131n v\u0259 onlara d\u00f6zm\u0259yin m\u0259nas\u0131 n\u0259dir?&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Cavab olduqca ayd\u0131nd\u0131r: idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r birin\u0259 sahib olub, dig\u0259risiz ke\u00e7in\u0259 bilm\u0259zl\u0259r. Onlar \u00f6zl\u0259rinin idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin\u0259 z\u0259man\u0259t verib, eyni zamanda struktural riskl\u0259r da\u015f\u0131mayan intitutlar\u0131 sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq qura bilm\u0259zl\u0259r. Bel\u0259 riskl\u0259r h\u0259tta avtoritar qurulu\u015fun \u0259sas qoruyucular\u0131 say\u0131lan repressiya aparatlar\u0131na q\u0259d\u0259r uzan\u0131r. N\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r diktator \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc qorumaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00f6z \u0259ll\u0259riyl\u0259 qurdu\u011fu yar\u0131m h\u0259rbi m\u00fchafiz\u0259 q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rinin qurban\u0131na \u00e7evrilib? Onlardan n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259ri idar\u0259\u00e7ilik al\u0259tl\u0259ri kimi siyasi partiyalar\u0131n daxilind\u0259 qurduqlar\u0131 fraksiyalar t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n devrilibl\u0259r? H\u0259tta sosializm ad\u0131yla c\u0259miyy\u0259tin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u0259 b\u00fcrokratiyala\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 layih\u0259si \u00f6z\u00fc \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc m\u0259\u011flub etm\u0259kl\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259ndi. Sovet imperiyas\u0131n\u0131n n\u0259h\u0259ng institutlar\u0131 &#8220;kimi m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n edil\u0259nl\u0259r [sosialist sisteml\u0259ri] \u00f6z\u00fc \u00f6zl\u0259rini qorumalar\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutulsalar da, zaman ke\u00e7dikc\u0259 rejimin v\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259tin k\u00f6kl\u0259rini qaz\u0131maqla funksionall\u0131qlar\u0131n\u0131 sonland\u0131rd\u0131lar&#8221;.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    M\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan siyas\u0259t<br \/>\n  <\/b>\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Avtoritarlar \u0259lb\u0259tt\u0259 ki, \u00f6zl\u0259rinin yaratd\u0131qlar\u0131 institutlar\u0131n &#8220;ziddiy\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259n xali&#8221; olmas\u0131n\u0131 arzulay\u0131rlar v\u0259 \u015f\u00fcbh\u0259siz ki, t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259 ehtimallar\u0131 olmayan rejim d\u0259st\u0259k\u00e7isi institutlar in\u015fa etm\u0259yi sevirl\u0259r. Lakin buna baxmayaraq, bel\u0259 irsi ziddiyy\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259n xali avtoritar d\u00fcnya bir avtokrat\u0131n xam x\u0259yal\u0131d\u0131r. Formal n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259lik institutlar\u0131 avtokrat\u0131n \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fc yax\u015f\u0131la\u015fd\u0131ra v\u0259 uzada bil\u0259r, amma bir g\u00fcn onlar el\u0259 \u00f6z yarad\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n q\u0259nimin\u0259 \u00e7evril\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r. H\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd bir m\u0259nal\u0131 olaraq bel\u0259 institutlar h\u0259m t\u0259bi\u0259tl\u0259ri etibaril\u0259, h\u0259m d\u0259 ehtiva etdikl\u0259ri m\u00fcxt\u0259lif c\u00fcr struktural riskl\u0259r magnitudas\u0131na g\u00f6r\u0259 f\u0259rql\u0259nirl\u0259r. Son ill\u0259rd\u0259 politoloqlar diqq\u0259tl\u0259rini daha \u00e7ox avtoritarlar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u0259n b\u00f6y\u00fck risk da\u015f\u0131yan \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259r institutuna y\u00f6nl\u0259ndiribl\u0259r. Avtoritar rejiml\u0259rd\u0259 \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259rin geni\u015fl\u0259nm\u0259siyl\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259dar olaraq, t\u0259dqiqat\u00e7\u0131lar avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7ilik alt\u0131ndak\u0131 &#8220;se\u00e7kil\u0259rin g\u00fcc\u00fc&#8221;n\u00fc sistemli \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 ara\u015fd\u0131rma\u011fa k\u00f6kl\u0259nibl\u0259r. Avtoritar se\u00e7kil\u0259rin bulan\u0131q t\u0259bi\u0259tinin h\u0259qiqi inikas\u0131nda, bu debat m\u00fcbahis\u0259li ha\u00e7alanmalara s\u0259b\u0259b olub.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Diktaturan\u0131n siyasi iqtisadiyyat\u0131 bar\u0259d\u0259 \u0259d\u0259biyyat avtoritar se\u00e7kil\u0259rin rejimi qorudu\u011funu vur\u011fulasa da, &#8220;se\u00e7kil\u0259rl\u0259 demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259&#8221; ad\u0131 alt\u0131ndak\u0131 m\u00fcqayis\u0259vi t\u0259dqiqatlar onlar\u0131n rejimin k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc qaz\u0131maq potensiallar\u0131n\u0131 vur\u011fulay\u0131rlar. N\u0259z\u0259ri t\u0259hqiqat v\u0259 t\u0259cr\u00fcbi analizin bu iki ucu sakit birg\u0259ya\u015fay\u0131\u015f v\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ql\u0131 inkar m\u00fchitind\u0259 \u0259rs\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259libl\u0259r. Onlar\u0131n \u0259sas iddialar\u0131 bir-birl\u0259riyl\u0259 ziddiy\u0259td\u0259 olsa da, onlar faktiki olaraq, \u0259sas\u0259n bir-birin\u0259 uy\u011fundurlar. Avtoritar \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259rin b\u00f6y\u00fck ehtimalla v\u0259zif\u0259d\u0259 olan \u015f\u0259xsin m\u00f6vcudluq qabiliyy\u0259tini g\u00fccl\u0259ndirm\u0259si, m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan iddiad\u0131r: h\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd se\u00e7kil\u0259rin m\u00fcxalif\u0259t q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259ki rejimi z\u0259ifl\u0259tm\u0259k, h\u0259tta devirm\u0259k imkanlar b\u0259x\u015f etm\u0259si ehtimal\u0131 da m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  M\u00fcasir se\u00e7kili avtokratiyalar n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar\u0131n t\u0259\u015f\u0259kk\u00fcl\u00fcn\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 uzun m\u00fcdd\u0259t m\u00fcbariz\u0259 apar\u0131blar. Sonda ideoloji b\u0259han\u0259l\u0259ri bir k\u0259nara ataraq bizim liberal demokratiyayla \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259ndirdiyimiz formal institutlar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00f6v bir \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259sini q\u0259bul edibl\u0259r. Onlar \u00f6zl\u0259rinin avtoritar enerjil\u0259rini formal demokratik institutlar\u0131 repressiya etm\u0259kd\u0259ns\u0259, manipulyasiya etm\u0259y\u0259 d\u0259yi\u015fibl\u0259r. Buna cavab olaraq is\u0259 demokratiyap\u0259r\u0259st m\u00fcxalif\u0259t q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri \u00f6zl\u0259rinin demokratiyan\u0131n institutsional skeletini yaratmaq c\u0259hdl\u0259rini formal n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259lik institutlar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcm\u00fckl\u0259rind\u0259 demokratik \u0259zalar yaratma\u011fa d\u0259yi\u015fibl\u0259r. \u018fg\u0259r institutsional manipulyasiya avtoritar m\u00fcdafi\u0259nin sonuncu s\u0259ddidirs\u0259, o zaman institutsional liberalizasiya &#8211; bu, formal demokratik institutlar\u0131n avtoritar n\u0259zar\u0259td\u0259n xilas etm\u0259k c\u0259hdidir &#8211; demokratiya u\u011frunda m\u00fccadil\u0259nin \u0259n \u00f6nd\u0259ki c\u0259bh\u0259 x\u0259tti m\u0259nas\u0131n\u0131 verir. \u018flb\u0259tt\u0259, bir n\u0259f\u0259r ad\u0259ti \u00fczr\u0259 \u00e7\u0131x\u0131b dey\u0259 bil\u0259r ki, bunlar\u0131n ham\u0131s\u0131 oyundur: Demokratiya t\u0259r\u0259fdarlar\u0131 sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq he\u00e7 bir zaman n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259lik qurumlar\u0131ndak\u0131 avtonomiyan\u0131 v\u0259 effektivliyi q\u0259bul etm\u0259yi bacarmay\u0131blar. Sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 budur ki, onlar\u0131n qurulmas\u0131 nec\u0259 siyasi m\u00fccadil\u0259 t\u0259l\u0259b etmi\u015fs\u0259, onlar\u0131n effektiv \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 h\u0259yata ke\u00e7irilm\u0259si d\u0259 o c\u00fcr m\u00fccadil\u0259 t\u0259l\u0259b edir.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Se\u00e7kili avtoritar rejimi yaratmaq v\u0259 idar\u0259 etm\u0259k nec\u0259 \u00e7oxsayl\u0131 qeyri-m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259nlikl\u0259ri ehtiva edirs\u0259, m\u00fcxalif\u0259t olanda da o c\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Bu h\u0259m beyn\u0259lxalq, h\u0259m d\u0259 yerli opponentl\u0259r\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 bel\u0259dir. Avtoritar rejimi sars\u0131tmaq, yaxud da onu demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259y\u0259 s\u00f6vq etm\u0259k ist\u0259y\u0259n xarici aktyorlar h\u0259r zaman geri t\u0259pilm\u0259k riskiyl\u0259 \u00fcz-\u00fcz\u0259dirl\u0259r. Diktatorlar \u0259ll\u0259rind\u0259 \u0259sir saxlad\u0131qlar\u0131 \u0259haliy\u0259 z\u0259r\u0259r ver\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259ri il\u0259 xarici q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri h\u0259d\u0259l\u0259y\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r. Yerli m\u00fcxalif\u0259t d\u0259 eyni \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 avtoritar rejimin \u0259lind\u0259 saxlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 v\u0259 manipulyasiya etdiyi n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlara ya m\u00fcxalif olma\u011f\u0131, ya d\u0259st\u0259k olma\u011f\u0131, ya da t\u0259nqidi formada m\u0259\u015f\u011ful olma\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7m\u0259lidir. Bu se\u00e7iml\u0259rd\u0259n h\u0259r biri rejimi z\u0259ifl\u0259tm\u0259kd\u0259ns\u0259 g\u00fccl\u0259ndirm\u0259k riski da\u015f\u0131y\u0131r, f\u0259rqi yoxdur, ya indi, ya da uzunm\u00fcdd\u0259tli perspektivd\u0259. Ancaq h\u0259tta m\u00fcxalif q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259r rejimin demokratiyan\u0131n peyda olmas\u0131ndan faydalanaca\u011f\u0131 ehtimal\u0131ndan x\u0259b\u0259rdar olsa bel\u0259, onlar demokratiyan\u0131n hakim olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 real ehtimal kimi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u0259r\u0259k, g\u00fcc toplaya v\u0259 da\u011f\u0131d\u0131c\u0131 strategiyalar \u0259rs\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259tir\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  Se\u00e7kili avtoritariyalar h\u0259ssas rejiml\u0259rdir. Avtoritar m\u00fcdafi\u0259nin sonuncu x\u0259tti &#8211; formal demokratik institutlar\u0131n manipulyasiyas\u0131 k\u00f6vr\u0259k m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259dir. Repressiyan\u0131n avtoritar divarlar\u0131n\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tmaqdansa, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7\u0259tinlikl\u0259rin\u0259 r\u0259\u011fm\u0259n\u00a0 manipulyasiyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fcdafi\u0259 x\u0259tl\u0259rini yar\u0131b ke\u00e7m\u0259k is\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 daha asand\u0131r. H\u0259tta m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259qiyy\u0259t \u015fanslar\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcns\u0259 bel\u0259, demokratik m\u00fcxalif\u0259t m\u0259ntiq\u0259 uy\u011fun olaraq, Albert O. Hir\u015fman\u0131n adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ehtimal siyas\u0259tini \u0259sas tuta bil\u0259r. Real \u00fcmidl\u0259rl\u0259 girdiyi demokratiya u\u011frundak\u0131 m\u00fcharib\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 o, b\u00f6y\u00fck ehtimalla avtoritar r\u0259qibl\u0259rin\u0259 m\u0259\u011flub olacaq &#8211; demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 s\u0259f\u0259ri m\u0259nas\u0131nda is\u0259, o, b\u00f6y\u00fck ehtimalla qalib olacaq.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n  <b><br \/>\n    \u201cDemokratiya Jurnal\u0131\u201d 21:1 (2010), 69-80. \u00a9 M\u0259qal\u0259 Johns Hopkins University Press-in icaz\u0259si il\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan dilin\u0259 t\u0259rc\u00fcm\u0259 edil\u0259r\u0259k Meydan.TV sayt\u0131nda yay\u0131mlan\u0131r.<br \/>\n  <\/b><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Bu g\u00fcn qeyri-demokratik idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin yeni ulduzlar\u0131 &#8220;se\u00e7kili avtoritar&#8221; rejiml\u0259rdir, onlar t\u0259m\u0259l demokratik standartlar\u0131 ciddi v\u0259 sistematik yollarla pozsalar da, d\u00f6vl\u0259tin b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0259viyy\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 m\u00fcnt\u0259z\u0259m olaraq \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259r ke\u00e7irirl\u0259r<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":91440,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_sitemap_exclude":false,"_sitemap_priority":"","_sitemap_frequency":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[51],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-186366","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analitika","infinite-scroll-item","generate-columns","tablet-grid-50","mobile-grid-100","grid-parent","grid-33","no-featured-image-padding"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.4 - 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