{"id":184939,"date":"2017-06-14T22:43:32","date_gmt":"2017-06-14T22:43:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/article\/avtoritarizm-yixildiqdan-sonra-bas-verecek-prosesler\/"},"modified":"2017-06-14T22:43:32","modified_gmt":"2017-06-14T22:43:32","slug":"avtoritarizm-yixildiqdan-sonra-bas-verecek-prosesler","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/avtoritarizm-yixildiqdan-sonra-bas-verecek-prosesler\/","title":{"rendered":"Avtoritarizm y\u0131x\u0131ld\u0131qdan sonra ba\u015f ver\u0259c\u0259k prosesl\u0259r"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n Meydan TV-nin \u201cDemokratiya\u201d layih\u0259sinin ikinci hiss\u0259si ba\u015flay\u0131r. Birinci hiss\u0259d\u0259, Meydan TV oxucular \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn avtoritarizim bar\u0259d\u0259 alt\u0131 m\u0259qal\u0259 yay\u0131mlayaraq, onun formalar\u0131, g\u00fccl\u00fc v\u0259 z\u0259if t\u0259r\u0259fl\u0259ri, onu qidaland\u0131ran m\u00fchit kimi m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 toxunmu\u015f, avtoritarizimin mahiyy\u0259ti bar\u0259d\u0259 oxucular\u0131 qism\u0259n m\u0259lumatland\u0131rm\u0131\u015fd\u0131. \u201cDemokratiya\u201d layih\u0259sinin bud\u0259f\u0259ki saylar\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131q ki, ke\u00e7id demokratiyas\u0131 bar\u0259d\u0259 oxucular\u0131 m\u0259lumatland\u0131raq. H\u0259r ay \u0259rzind\u0259 iki m\u0259qal\u0259 olmaqla \u00fcmumilikd\u0259 alt\u0131 m\u0259qal\u0259 yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131 planla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r.
\n <\/i>\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n Xo\u015f oxumalar…
\n <\/i>\n<\/p>\n

\n Larri Dayomond, Frensis Fukuyama, Donald L. Horovits v\u0259 Mark F. Platner.\n<\/p>\n

\n Mark Platner: Art\u0131q \u00fc\u00e7 onillikd\u0259n \u00e7oxdur ki, ke\u00e7id konseptl\u0259ri (avtoritarizmd\u0259n sonrak\u0131 m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259 n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutulur – t\u0259rc) demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 prosesinin \u0259sas m\u00fczakir\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n birin\u0259 \u00e7evrilib. “Ke\u00e7id” siyasi d\u0259yi\u015fiklikl\u0259ri t\u0259svir etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn i\u015fl\u0259dil\u0259n v\u0259 Samuel P.Hantinqtonun demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259nin “\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dal\u011fas\u0131” kimi xarakteriz\u0259 etdiyi bir termindir – 50-d\u0259n \u00e7ox \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259 yeni demokratiyan\u0131n do\u011fulu\u015fu demokratiyan\u0131 bug\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u0259n yay\u011f\u0131n idar\u0259\u00e7ilik formalar\u0131ndan birin\u0259 \u00e7evirib. Ke\u00e7idl\u0259rin \u00e7i\u00e7\u0259kl\u0259nm\u0259 d\u00f6vr\u00fc 1980 v\u0259 1990-c\u0131 ill\u0259rd\u0259 ya\u015fan\u0131rd\u0131. 21-ci \u0259sr\u0259 adlayanda is\u0259 yeni demokratiyalar\u0131n yaranmas\u0131 prosesi s\u0259ngidi, bunun s\u0259b\u0259bl\u0259rind\u0259n biri bir \u00e7ox \u00f6lk\u0259nin art\u0131q demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259si idi. N\u0259tic\u0259 etibaril\u0259 siyas\u0259t\u015f\u00fcnaslar diqq\u0259tl\u0259rini demokratiyan\u0131n konsalidasiyas\u0131 (m\u00f6hk\u0259ml\u0259nm\u0259si-t\u0259rc) v\u0259 onun keyfiyy\u0259ti m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 y\u00f6n\u0259ltdil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n 2002-ci ilin yanvar\u0131nda “Demokratiya Jurnal\u0131”nda n\u0259\u015fr edil\u0259n v\u0259 olduqca q\u0131z\u011f\u0131n m\u00fczakir\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b olan m\u0259qal\u0259sind\u0259 Tomas Karoters “ke\u00e7id paradiqmas\u0131” adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u0259fhumun davaml\u0131 d\u0259y\u0259rini sual alt\u0131na qoydu. Bir m\u0259nada ke\u00e7id anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 vaxt\u0131 ke\u00e7mi\u015f, yaxud \u0259n az\u0131ndan i\u015fl\u0259kliyini ba\u015fa vurmu\u015f kimi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u0259 bil\u0259rdi. Lakin ke\u00e7mi\u015f Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131ndak\u0131 “r\u0259ngli inqilablar”, son d\u00f6vrl\u0259rd\u0259 v\u0259 daha dramatik \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 rejim d\u0259yi\u015fikl\u0259ri il\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259n\u0259n “\u018fr\u0259b bahar\u0131” v\u0259 Birmadak\u0131 siyasi a\u00e7\u0131ql\u0131q, demokratik ke\u00e7id m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sini yenid\u0259n g\u00fcnd\u0259m\u0259 g\u0259tirdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Siyasi rejimin d\u0259yi\u015fm\u0259sini “ke\u00e7id” s\u00f6z\u00fc il\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259ndirm\u0259k nisb\u0259t\u0259n yeni yana\u015fmad\u0131r. Bu m\u0259nada terminin ortaya \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131nda 1970-ci ild\u0259 siyas\u0259t\u015f\u00fcnas Dankvart Rastounun tez-tez istinad edil\u0259n “Demokratiyaya ke\u00e7id: Dinamik model\u0259 do\u011fru” m\u0259qal\u0259si a\u00e7ar rolunu oynay\u0131b. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dal\u011fan\u0131n ba\u015flamas\u0131ndan \u00f6nc\u0259 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u0259qal\u0259sind\u0259 Rastou ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u00fcr ki, onun m\u00fcasiri olan siyas\u0259t\u015f\u00fcnaslar demokratiyan\u0131n art\u0131q m\u00f6vcud oldu\u011fu co\u011frafiyada, \u0259sas\u0259n \u015eimali Amerika v\u0259 Q\u0259rbi Avropada onun nec\u0259 qorunaca\u011f\u0131 v\u0259 g\u00fccl\u0259ndiril\u0259c\u0259yi m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sin\u0259 k\u00f6kl\u0259nibl\u0259r. \u00dcst\u0259lik bu, inki\u015faf etm\u0259kd\u0259 olan \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259ri t\u0259dqiq ed\u0259n v\u0259 demokratiyan\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131yla “genetik m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259” (Rastounun termini) kimi maraqlanan elm adamlar\u0131na az yard\u0131m\u00e7\u0131 olur.\n<\/p>\n

\n Rastonun m\u0259qal\u0259si ke\u00e7id m\u00f6vzusuna h\u0259sr olunmu\u015f yegan\u0259 \u0259n n\u00fcfuzlu t\u0259dqiqat kimi h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 ilham m\u0259nb\u0259yi olaraq qalmaqdad\u0131r, Filip \u015emitter v\u0259 Laurens Vaythedin redakt\u0259sil\u0259 \u00e7\u0131xan 4 cildlik Avtoritar \u0130dar\u0259\u00e7ilikd\u0259n Ke\u00e7idl\u0259r \u0259s\u0259ri 1986-c\u0131 ild\u0259 n\u0259\u015fr olunub. Ondan bu yana \u0259lb\u0259tt\u0259 ki, demokratiyan\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dal\u011fas\u0131 C\u0259nubi Avropada v\u0259 Lat\u0131n Amerikas\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00e7ox \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 ba\u015f verib. Kitab\u0131n ad\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyi kimi ke\u00e7id fenomeni Rastounun fokusland\u0131\u011f\u0131 oliqarxiyadan demokratiyaya t\u0259kam\u00fcl deyil, avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin q\u0259fil \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc v\u0259 \u0259v\u0259zl\u0259nm\u0259sidir, bu da \u00f6z n\u00f6vb\u0259sind\u0259 ya demokratiyayla v\u0259 avtoritarizmin yeni formas\u0131yla n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259n\u0259 bil\u0259r. Onlar ke\u00e7idi kifay\u0259t q\u0259d\u0259r b\u00f6y\u00fck olmaqla bir siyasi rejiml\u0259 dig\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 interval kimi g\u00f6st\u0259rirl\u0259r. \u00d6z n\u00f6vb\u0259sind\u0259 ke\u00e7id\u0259 do\u011fru aparan bir m\u0259xsusi c\u0131\u011f\u0131r\u0131 vur\u011fulay\u0131rlar, bu c\u0131\u011f\u0131r n\u0259 zorak\u0131d\u0131r, n\u0259 d\u0259 inqilabi: o, getm\u0259kd\u0259 olan avtoritar rejiml\u0259 demokratik m\u00fcxalif\u0259t aras\u0131ndak\u0131 s\u00f6vd\u0259l\u0259\u015fm\u0259ni ehtiva edir v\u0259 ad\u0259t\u0259n h\u0259r iki t\u0259r\u0259fin t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizliyin\u0259 qarantiya ver\u0259n r\u0259smi, yaxud qeyri-r\u0259smi sazi\u015fl\u0259r\u0259 bel ba\u011flay\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n M\u00fczakir\u0259 bar\u0259d\u0259
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n Burada yay\u0131mlanan m\u0259qal\u0259 Demokratiyaya Yard\u0131m Fondunun Demokratiya Ara\u015fd\u0131rmalar\u0131 Beyn\u0259lxalq Forumu \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259sind\u0259 bir il boyunca t\u0259\u015fkil etdiyi d\u0259yirmi masalar seriyas\u0131ndak\u0131 paneld\u0259n g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcb. D\u0259yirmi masalar “Demokratik ke\u00e7idl\u0259r\u0259 yenid\u0259n bax\u0131\u015f: \u018fr\u0259b bahar\u0131 v\u0259 R\u0259ngli \u0130nqilablar” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 il\u0259 ke\u00e7irilirdi. Panel 2012-ci ilin dekabr\u0131nda ke\u00e7mi\u015f Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131nda regional sessiya kimi ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, G\u00fcrc\u00fcstan, Ukrayna v\u0259 Q\u0131r\u011f\u0131z\u0131stan kimi \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 ba\u015f tutmu\u015fdu. Regional sessiyalar\u0131n n\u00f6vb\u0259ti dayanaca\u011f\u0131 Yax\u0131n \u015e\u0259rq v\u0259 \u015eimali Afrika olub, Tunis, Misir v\u0259 Liviyada ke\u00e7irilmi\u015fdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Burada t\u0259qdim edil\u0259n ikinci paneld\u0259 Larri Dayomond, Frensis Fukuyama, Donald Horovits i\u015ftirak edib, t\u0259dbirin moderatoru Mark Platner olub.\n<\/p>\n

\n Larri Dayomond “Demokratiya Jurnal\u0131”n\u0131n qurucu redaktorlar\u0131ndan biridir. O, Stenford Universitetinin Beyn\u0259lxalq \u018flaq\u0259l\u0259r \u0130nstitutunun \u00fczv\u00fcd\u00fcr.\n<\/p>\n

\n Frensis Fukuyama – Friman Speqli \u0130nstitutunun elmi i\u015f\u00e7isi v\u0259 bir \u00e7ox \u0259s\u0259rin m\u00fc\u0259llifidir.\n<\/p>\n

\n Donald Horovits – Dyuk Universitetinin v\u0259 Demokratiya Ara\u015fd\u0131rmalar\u0131 Beyn\u0259lxalq Forumunun elmi i\u015f\u00e7isidir.\n<\/p>\n

\n V\u0259 n\u0259hay\u0259t, Mark Platner “Demokratiya Jurnal\u0131”n\u0131n qurucu redaktorlar\u0131ndan biri v\u0259 NED Fondunda ara\u015fd\u0131rma v\u0259 t\u0259dqiqatlar \u00fczr\u0259 vitse-prezidentdir.\n<\/p>\n

\n Odonnel v\u0259 \u015emitterin C\u0259nubi Avropa v\u0259 Lat\u0131n Amerikas\u0131n\u0131n t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259sini \u0259sas tutaraq \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 i\u015fl\u0259dikl\u0259ri bu ke\u00e7id \u015fablonu dig\u0259r regionlara da aid edilm\u0259y\u0259 ba\u015flad\u0131, h\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd, bu \u015fablonun x\u00fcsusil\u0259 post-kommunist \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 asanca “s\u0259yah\u0259t” ed\u0259 bil\u0259c\u0259yi elm adamlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda m\u00fczakir\u0259d\u0259n ke\u00e7m\u0259mi\u015fdi. Demokratiyaya ke\u00e7idin \u0259slind\u0259 n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r z\u0259if olmas\u0131ndan as\u0131l\u0131 olmayaraq, bu model h\u0259m\u00e7inin avtoritar liderin taxtdan sal\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n demokratiyaya “ke\u00e7id” kimi q\u0259l\u0259m\u0259 verildiyi h\u0259r bir \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259 olduqca kobud formada b\u0259zi d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r v\u0259 demokratiyaya-yard\u0131m t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131 t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n t\u0259tbiq edilib. Tom Karotersi ke\u00e7id paradiqmas\u0131n\u0131n sonu adland\u0131rma\u011fa t\u0259tikl\u0259y\u0259n m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 el\u0259 bu idi, bel\u0259 ki, o, \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rin avtoritar rejimin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u0259n sonra ke\u00e7dikl\u0259ri yolda m\u00fcnt\u0259z\u0259m ard\u0131c\u0131ll\u0131q olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u018fksin\u0259, o, demokratik ke\u00e7id\u0259 \u00fcz tutduqlar\u0131n\u0131 dey\u0259n bir \u00e7ox \u00f6lk\u0259nin \u0259slind\u0259 “ya\u015f\u0131l zona” adl\u0131 yerd\u0259 ili\u015fib qald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 v\u0259 onlar\u0131n tezlikl\u0259, yaxud h\u0259qiq\u0259t\u0259n liberal demokratiyalar kimi peyda olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcz faizlik ehtimal olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bildirirdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Karotersin m\u00fcjd\u0259\u00e7i m\u0259qal\u0259sinin t\u0259krar d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn h\u0259dsiz faydal\u0131 olmas\u0131na v\u0259 ke\u00e7id paradiqmas\u0131na m\u00fcraci\u0259t ed\u0259rk\u0259n h\u0259dsiz ehtiyatl\u0131 olmal\u0131 oldu\u011fumuzu \u00f6yr\u0259tm\u0259sin\u0259 r\u0259\u011fm\u0259n, o, m\u0259qal\u0259sini sonland\u0131rmaqda a\u00e7\u0131q-ayd\u0131n u\u011fursuzlu\u011fa u\u011fray\u0131b. Bel\u0259 ki, r\u0259ngli inqilablar v\u0259 art\u0131q daha \u00e7ox g\u00f6z\u0259 \u00e7arpan \u018fr\u0259b Bahar\u0131 say\u0259sind\u0259 siyas\u0259t\u015f\u00fcnaslar v\u0259 ictimai xadiml\u0259r analizl\u0259rini yen\u0259 ke\u00e7id paradiqmalar\u0131 terminl\u0259ri n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n ifad\u0259 edirl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Panel\u00e7il\u0259r\u0259 s\u00f6z verm\u0259zd\u0259n \u0259vv\u0259l, icaz\u0259 verin sonuncu fikrimi \u00e7atd\u0131r\u0131m. Ke\u00e7id\u0259 alternativ kimi \u0259n \u00e7ox haz\u0131r olan termin “inqilab”d\u0131r. \u0130nqilab ideyas\u0131n\u0131n \u0259vv\u0259lki on illikl\u0259rd\u0259kind\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, bu g\u00fcn art\u0131q o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 c\u0259lbedici olmamas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0259b\u0259bi he\u00e7 d\u0259 20-ci \u0259srd\u0259 totalitar rejiml\u0259rd\u0259 ba\u015f ver\u0259n inqilablar t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259sind\u0259n qaynaqlanm\u0131r. Ancaq bu iddia tutarl\u0131 olmaq m\u0259cburiyy\u0259tind\u0259dir, \u00e7\u00fcnki inqilab anla\u015f\u0131y\u0131 Q\u0259rbd\u0259 v\u0259 elm adamlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 c\u0259lbedici olmasa da, diktatura rejiml\u0259rini devir\u0259nl\u0259r aras\u0131nda h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 \u00fcst\u00fcn tutulan termindir. Bir ne\u00e7\u0259 il \u0259vv\u0259l \u015eimali Afrikadak\u0131 xalq \u00e7\u0131x\u0131\u015flar\u0131nda i\u015ftirak ed\u0259nl\u0259r inqilab bar\u0259d\u0259 h\u00f6rm\u0259tkar bir \u0259dayla dan\u0131\u015fma\u011fa meyillidirl\u0259r: faktiki olaraq, z\u0259f\u0259r \u00e7alan m\u00fcxalif\u0259t n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r \u00e7ox zorak\u0131l\u0131\u011fa v\u0259 \u0259zaba d\u00fc\u00e7ar olsa, o, \u0259n sonda inqilab ideyas\u0131na bir o q\u0259d\u0259r \u00e7ox ba\u011fl\u0131 qal\u0131r. Demokratiya ad\u0131na ba\u015f ver\u0259n inqilablar\u0131n ke\u015fm\u0259ke\u015fli yolu \u0259ks\u0259r\u0259n a\u011f\u0131r n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 sonuclansa da v\u0259 stabil demokratiyan\u0131n qurulmas\u0131 \u00e7\u0259tinl\u0259\u015fs\u0259 d\u0259, burada \u0259ks-arqument d\u0259 m\u00f6vcuddur \u2013 bel\u0259 ki, qeyri-zorak\u0131, yaxud t\u0259drici ke\u00e7idl\u0259r k\u00f6hn\u0259 rejimin vacib hiss\u0259l\u0259rini islahatdan m\u0259hrum etm\u0259kl\u0259, demokratik t\u0259\u015f\u0259kk\u00fcl\u00fcn qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tli mane\u0259l\u0259r yarada bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Donald L.Horovits: Demokratiyaya ke\u00e7id adland\u0131r\u0131lan konsept \u0259slind\u0259 bir konsept deyildir v\u0259 \u0259lb\u0259tt\u0259, bir paradiqma da deyildir: o, demokratiyan\u0131n nec\u0259 ba\u015f tutaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ehtiva ed\u0259n ideyalar toplusu v\u0259 ya sad\u0259c\u0259 bir kateqoriyad\u0131r. Burada s\u0259rb\u0259st ard\u0131c\u0131ll\u0131q, i\u015ftirak\u00e7\u0131lar v\u0259 m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259l\u0259r bar\u0259d\u0259 b\u0259zi versiyalar \u00f6z \u0259ksini tap\u0131r. Faktiki olaraq, Rastounun orijinal m\u0259qal\u0259sind\u0259 i\u015ftirak\u00e7\u0131lar m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259 f\u0259rdi vasit\u0259\u00e7iliy\u0259 daha \u00e7ox yer ayr\u0131l\u0131b: bu, determinizmd\u0259n olduqca uzaq idi. Sosial elmd\u0259, bu, bir n\u00f6v \u0259n\u0259n\u0259vi hekay\u0259dir: kims\u0259 bir fenomenl\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 bir v\u0259 ya iki q\u0259libi f\u0259rql\u0259ndirir, ba\u015fqalar\u0131 bunu saf-\u00e7\u00fcr\u00fck edir v\u0259 sonra bu q\u0259libin he\u00e7 d\u0259 universal olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fkara \u00e7\u0131x\u0131r. Biz buna t\u0259\u0259cc\u00fcbl\u0259nm\u0259m\u0259liyik, \u00e7\u00fcnki bu olduqca yay\u011f\u0131nd\u0131r, ancaq bu ideyalar\u0131n tamamil\u0259 s\u0259m\u0259r\u0259siz oldu\u011fu m\u0259nas\u0131na da g\u0259lmir. Demokratiyaya ged\u0259n m\u00fcxt\u0259lif yollar vard\u0131r, onlar\u0131n hans\u0131lar oldu\u011funu f\u0259rql\u0259ndirm\u0259y\u0259 d\u0259y\u0259r. Karoters b\u0259yan edirdi ki, demokratiyaya ged\u0259n yolda se\u00e7kil\u0259r paralel \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 ba\u015f tutarsa, ke\u00e7id paradiqmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn ola bil\u0259r. Z\u0259nnimc\u0259, o, burada puldan b\u0259hs edirdi: bel\u0259 ki, bu d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndirm\u0259ni b\u0259zil\u0259ri, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 demokratiyaya yard\u0131m t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131 h\u0259dsiz ciddi q\u0259bul etmi\u015fdil\u0259r. Se\u00e7kil\u0259r demokratiyan\u0131n \u015fah damar\u0131d\u0131r olma\u011f\u0131na, lakin elm adamlar\u0131 demokratiyan\u0131n az v\u0259 ya \u00e7ox oturu\u015fdu\u011fu yerl\u0259rd\u0259 d\u0259 b\u0259zi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmayan elementl\u0259ri tezc\u0259n\u0259 ay\u0131rd ed\u0259 bilibl\u0259r. F\u0259rid Z\u0259k\u0259riyan\u0131n m\u0259\u015fhurla\u015fd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 “qeyri-liberal demokratiya” termini v\u0259 b\u0259zi ox\u015far anlay\u0131\u015flar siyas\u0259t elmind\u0259 yay\u011f\u0131nla\u015f\u0131b v\u0259 h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 yay\u011f\u0131nd\u0131r. B\u0259zi bir ne\u00e7\u0259 elementl\u0259r d\u0259 akademikl\u0259r t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n ortal\u0131\u011fa at\u0131l\u0131b: m\u0259nim favoritim “paktologiya”d\u0131r, paktologiyada avtoritarlar v\u0259 demokratik m\u00fcxalif\u0259t demokratiya i\u015f\u0259 d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259zd\u0259n \u0259vv\u0259l qar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ql\u0131 t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizliyi t\u0259min etm\u0259k bar\u0259d\u0259 raz\u0131l\u0131\u011fa g\u0259lirl\u0259r. Amma i\u015f buras\u0131ndad\u0131r ki, bel\u0259 bir ne\u00e7\u0259 pakt ba\u015f veribs\u0259 d\u0259, bu, onlar\u0131n universal z\u0259ruriyy\u0259t\u0259 \u00e7evrildiyi m\u0259nas\u0131na g\u0259mir: m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, \u0130ndoneziyada bel\u0259 bir pakt, \u00fcmumiyy\u0259tl\u0259, m\u00f6vcud deyildi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Eyni \u015feyi h\u0259m avtoritar rejimd\u0259ki, h\u0259m d\u0259 demokratik m\u00fcxalif\u0259td\u0259ki s\u0259rt-qanadla m\u00fclayim-qanad aras\u0131ndak\u0131 “t\u0259friq\u0259” anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na da aid ed\u0259 bil\u0259rik, bel\u0259 ki, h\u0259r iki t\u0259r\u0259fd\u0259n olan vasit\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r sonra dan\u0131\u015f\u0131qlar apara v\u0259 ke\u00e7idi h\u0259yata ke\u00e7ir\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r. B\u0259z\u0259n arada etibarl\u0131 vasit\u0259\u00e7i olmur, n\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259 k\u00fc\u00e7\u0259 n\u00fcmayi\u015fl\u0259ri rejimi y\u0131x\u0131r v\u0259 ya daha da pisi bunun h\u0259yata ke\u00e7m\u0259si \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u0259sl zorak\u0131l\u0131q ba\u015f qald\u0131r\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \"\"
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\n Buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 prosesind\u0259 d\u0259yi\u015fk\u0259nlik \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn bizim daha \u00e7ox \u015fey\u0259 ehtiyac\u0131m\u0131z var. Amma m\u0259n iki d\u0259yi\u015fk\u0259ni x\u00fcsusil\u0259 vur\u011fulamaq ist\u0259rdim: bunlardan biri start n\u00f6qt\u0259sind\u0259ki \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259rin kobudlu\u011fu v\u0259 ilkin se\u00e7iml\u0259rd\u0259ki t\u0259sad\u00fcfd\u00fcr. \u0130kincisi bar\u0259d\u0259 m\u0259n sonra daha \u0259trafl\u0131 dan\u0131\u015facam, ondan \u0259vv\u0259l x\u00fcsusil\u0259 \u018fr\u0259b Bahar\u0131nda, start n\u00f6qt\u0259sind\u0259ki f\u0259rql\u0259n\u0259n \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259rin vacibliyi bar\u0259d\u0259 bir ne\u00e7\u0259 n\u00fcmun\u0259 g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259k ist\u0259yir\u0259m.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u00dc\u00e7 qeyri-x\u0259lqi \u018fr\u0259b tiranl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u0259rk\u0259n az v\u0259 ya \u00e7ox d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 eyni istiqam\u0259td\u0259 ged\u0259c\u0259yi bar\u0259d\u0259 \u00fcmumi q\u0259na\u0259t \u0259lb\u0259tt\u0259 ki, s\u0259hv \u00e7\u0131xd\u0131. Ancaq start n\u00f6qt\u0259sind\u0259ki d\u0259yi\u015fk\u0259n\u0259 bir bax\u0131n: bu d\u0259yi\u015fk\u0259nin \u0259vv\u0259lc\u0259d\u0259n d\u0259 f\u0259rqin\u0259 varmaq olard\u0131. Tunis, diktatorunu qovmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u00fcharib\u0259 etm\u0259li olmad\u0131; Liviya etdi v\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259 Liviyada silahlar susmur (v\u0259 silah g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259n demokratik rejiml\u0259rin hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259 qalaca\u011f\u0131na dair olduqca az n\u00fcmun\u0259 var). Yaxud Tunis ordusuna nifr\u0259t edil\u0259rk\u0259n, Misir ordusuna olan xalq sevgisini n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 al\u0131n. Bel\u0259likl\u0259 d\u0259, Misir ordusu \u0259sas oyun\u00e7u olmaqda davam ed\u0259rk\u0259n, Tunisd\u0259 ke\u00e7id v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fcy\u00fc il\u0259 ba\u015f tutdu. Yaxud Tunisd\u0259 v\u0259 Liviyada islam\u00e7\u0131larla sekulyarlar aras\u0131nda Misird\u0259n daha \u00e7ox balans oldu\u011funu n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 al\u0131n. Misird\u0259ki M\u00fcs\u0259lman Qarda\u015flar\u0131ndan f\u0259rqli olaraq, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 R\u0259\u015fid Qanu\u015finin ba\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q etdiyi daha \u00e7ox Q\u0259rb demokratik ideyalar\u0131n\u0131 \u0259sas tutan Ennanda partiyas\u0131n\u0131 v\u0259 onun m\u00fcxalif\u0259t\u0259 Tunisd\u0259 konstitusiya prosesind\u0259 b\u00f6y\u00fck g\u00fcz\u0259\u015ft etdiyini diqq\u0259t\u0259 al\u0131n. Yaxud Misird\u0259 liberal partiyalar aras\u0131nda m\u00f6vcud olan b\u00f6y\u00fck fikir ayr\u0131l\u0131qlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn, orada h\u0259r bir siyasi partiya prezidentlik u\u011frunda m\u00fcbariz\u0259 aparmaq ist\u0259yirdi, n\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259 prezidentalizm Misird\u0259 liberal h\u0259r\u0259kat\u0131n laxlamas\u0131na g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xard\u0131. Yaxud dig\u0259r \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 m\u00f6vcud olmayan, amma Liviyan\u0131 hiss\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 par\u00e7alayan g\u00fccl\u00fc region\u00e7ulu\u011fu n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 al\u0131n. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, bizim qar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda m\u00fcxt\u0259lif start n\u00f6qt\u0259l\u0259ri var v\u0259 buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 prosesin eyni c\u00fcr v\u0259 ya eyni tendensiyal\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6zl\u0259y\u0259 bilm\u0259rik.\n<\/p>\n

\n Larri Dayomond: C\u0259mi bir ne\u00e7\u0259 m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259: M\u0259n Birmada s\u0259f\u0259rd\u0259 olark\u0259n t\u0259\u0259cc\u00fcb\u00fcmd\u0259n donub qalm\u0131\u015fd\u0131m, orada b\u00fct\u00fcn ba\u015f ver\u0259nl\u0259r el\u0259 ke\u00e7idl\u0259r bar\u0259d\u0259 \u0259d\u0259biyyat\u0131n v\u0259 m\u00fczakir\u0259l\u0259rin \u00f6z\u00fcd\u00fcr ki var. Z\u0259nnimc\u0259, Birmadak\u0131 ke\u00e7id h\u0259r iki t\u0259r\u0259fd\u0259 s\u0259rt-qanad il\u0259 m\u00fclayim-qanad\u0131n x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259rini da\u015f\u0131y\u0131r. Haz\u0131rda orda dan\u0131\u015f\u0131qlar prosesi ba\u015f tutmaqdad\u0131r. Birma konstitusional d\u0259yi\u015fiklik etm\u0259d\u0259n demokratiya \u0259ld\u0259 ed\u0259 bilm\u0259z – bu m\u0259nada, siyasi pakt, yaxud hans\u0131sa bir n\u00f6v raz\u0131l\u0131q \u0259ld\u0259 edilm\u0259lidir, \u00e7\u00fcnki mahiyy\u0259t etibaril\u0259 konstitusiya orduya konstitusional d\u0259yi\u015fiklik \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn veto qoymaq h\u00fcququ verir. Bu dan\u0131\u015f\u0131qlardan do\u011facaq demokratiya – \u0259g\u0259r o, \u00fcmumiyy\u0259tl\u0259, do\u011fulacaqsa – bir m\u0259nada demokratiyan\u0131 laxlad\u0131r v\u0259 ya \u015emitterin t\u0259birinc\u0259 des\u0259m, demokratiya q\u00fcsurlarla do\u011fulur, \u00e7\u00fcnki o, qa\u00e7\u0131lmaz olaraq, orduya imtiyazlar vermi\u015f olur (h\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd bir vaxtlar haz\u0131rki konstitusiyan\u0131 t\u0259tbiq ed\u0259nl\u0259rd\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, indikil\u0259rin demokratiyan\u0131 sars\u0131tmayaca\u011f\u0131na \u00fcmid var).\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130kincisi, icaz\u0259 verin Tom Karotersin ke\u00e7id paradiqmalar\u0131 il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 c\u0131\u011f\u0131r a\u00e7an m\u0259qal\u0259si bar\u0259d\u0259 q\u0131saca \u0259lav\u0259 m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259mi dil\u0259 g\u0259tirim. Raz\u0131yam: o, “Demokratiya Jurnal\u0131”nda n\u0259\u015fr edil\u0259n u\u011furlu, heyratamiz m\u0259qal\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n biri olub, amma ola bilsin m\u00fczakir\u0259ni q\u0131z\u0131\u015fd\u0131rmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u0259qal\u0259 burda biraz \u00e7ox \u015fi\u015firdildi. Martin Lipsetin t\u0259l\u0259b\u0259si olaraq, \u00f6n\u015f\u0259rtl\u0259rl\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 m\u00fczakir\u0259d\u0259 bir m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 bar\u0259d\u0259 dan\u0131\u015fmaq ist\u0259rdim: M\u0259nim fikrimc\u0259, Karotersin m\u0259qal\u0259si Rastoununkundan v\u0259 genetik arqumentd\u0259n h\u0259dsiz d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 \u0259ks s\u0259mt\u0259 do\u011fru \u00fcz tutur. O, start n\u00f6qt\u0259sind\u0259ki \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259rin vacibliyini v\u0259 demokratiyan\u0131n i\u015f\u0259 d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259si \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn he\u00e7 d\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rin b\u0259rab\u0259r \u015fansl\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 fakt\u0131n\u0131 vur\u011fulay\u0131r. Yax\u015f\u0131, bu, tam\u0131 tam\u0131na bir h\u0259qiq\u0259tdir. Ancaq m\u0259n bel\u0259 hesab edir\u0259m ki, biz deterministik arqmunentin t\u0259l\u0259sin\u0259 d\u00fc\u015f\u0259 bil\u0259rik: “Mali olduqca yoxsul \u00f6lk\u0259dir; siz orda demokratiya qurmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn niy\u0259 bu q\u0259d\u0259r pul x\u0259rcl\u0259yir v\u0259 \u0259ll\u0259\u015fib vuru\u015fursuz?” Lipset \u00f6z arqumentinin bel\u0259 formada interpretasiya olunmas\u0131n\u0131 ist\u0259m\u0259zdi; o, 1959-cu ild\u0259 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 orijinal m\u0259qal\u0259sini “Demokratiya \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn b\u0259zi sosial z\u0259ruriyy\u0259tl\u0259r” adland\u0131rm\u0131\u015fd\u0131, sosial \u00f6n z\u0259ruriyy\u0259tl\u0259r yox v\u0259 o, bu istiqam\u0259t\u0259 qay\u0131tma\u011fa davam etdi. Fikrimc\u0259, Rastounun fonundak\u0131 olduqca harmonik d\u00f6vl\u0259tin \u015f\u0259rtind\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq (onun “milli birlik” kimi xarakteriz\u0259 etdiyi m\u0259fhum m\u0259nc\u0259 biraz a\u011f olmu\u015fdu), demokratik ke\u00e7id\u0259 nail olmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn yegan\u0259 \u00f6n-\u015f\u0259rt hans\u0131sa s\u0259b\u0259bl\u0259rd\u0259n dolay\u0131 demokratiyan\u0131n onlar\u0131n maraqlar\u0131na uy\u011fun oldu\u011funa q\u0259rar ver\u0259n elitalar \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259sidir. B\u0259li, \u0259g\u0259r s\u0259n Mali kimi yoxsulsansa, demokratiyan\u0131n i\u015fl\u0259kliyini t\u0259min etm\u0259k, onu d\u0259st\u0259kl\u0259m\u0259k olduqca q\u0259liz m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259dir, sad\u0259c\u0259 bir ekzogen \u015fok h\u0259r \u015feyi al-\u00fcst ed\u0259 bil\u0259r. Lakin biz g\u00fcman olunmayan yerl\u0259rd\u0259 demokratiyaya ke\u00e7idin m\u00fcmk\u00fcnl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etm\u0259m\u0259liyik, h\u0259tta bir \u00e7ox \u015fey bunun \u0259ksin\u0259 olsa bel\u0259.\n<\/p>\n

\n Frensis Fukuyama: Z\u0259nnimc\u0259, \u0259slind\u0259 son on il \u0259rzind\u0259 ba\u015f ver\u0259n ke\u00e7idl\u0259rin \u0259ks\u0259riyy\u0259ti he\u00e7 d\u0259 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dal\u011fan\u0131n ke\u00e7idl\u0259rin\u0259 b\u0259nz\u0259mir, buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 bu \u0259d\u0259biyyat o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 i\u015f\u0259 yaram\u0131r. Hesab edir\u0259m ki, \u0259n sonuncu ke\u00e7idl\u0259r daha \u00e7ox Frans\u0131z \u0130nqilab\u0131 il\u0259 ba\u015flay\u0131b Avropa \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rinin \u0259ks\u0259riyy\u0259tind\u0259 davam ed\u0259n v\u0259 sonda se\u00e7ki h\u00fcququ il\u0259 z\u0259f\u0259r \u00e7alan birinci dal\u011fan\u0131 xat\u0131rlad\u0131r. 20-ci \u0259srin sonlar\u0131nda Lat\u0131n Amerikas\u0131nda v\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Avropada \u0259sas\u0259n elita-t\u0259may\u00fcll\u00fc v\u0259 yuxar\u0131dan-a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya ba\u015f tutan hallardan f\u0259rqli olaraq, 19-cu \u0259srd\u0259ki Avropadak\u0131 ke\u00e7idl\u0259r, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 1848-ci il inqilablar\u0131n\u0131n t\u0259zyiqil\u0259 xalq s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259rliyi n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 ba\u015f tutmu\u015fdu, bu inqilablar \u0259vv\u0259lc\u0259 basd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, sonrak\u0131 onillikl\u0259rd\u0259 is\u0259 Avropa boyunca se\u00e7ki h\u00fcququnun yay\u0131lmas\u0131na \u015f\u0259rait yaradan \u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc formala\u015fd\u0131rm\u0131\u015fd\u0131.\n<\/p>\n

\n Olduqca vacib bir sual\u0131 \u0259ks etdir\u0259n \u0259d\u0259biyyat var: demokratiya qazan\u0131l\u0131r, yoxsa verilir? Yeri g\u0259lmi\u015fk\u0259n, Adam Przevorskinin bu sual\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131q kimi yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir kitab\u0131 var: o, statistika apar\u0131r v\u0259 z\u0259nnimc\u0259, olduqca a\u00e7\u0131q \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 ilk dal\u011fadak\u0131 ke\u00e7idl\u0259rin verildiyind\u0259n \u00e7ox qazan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biz\u0259 g\u00f6st\u0259rir. Lakin \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dal\u011fan\u0131n ba\u015f verdiyi Lat\u0131n Amerikas\u0131 v\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Avropada \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rinin \u0259vv\u0259lc\u0259 demokratiya t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259si olmu\u015fdu v\u0259 bir m\u0259nada burada xalqlar h\u0259rbi idar\u0259\u00e7iliyi, yaxud kommunizmi onlar\u0131 normal inki\u015faf c\u0131\u011f\u0131r\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131xaran mane\u0259 kimi g\u00f6r\u00fcrd\u00fcl\u0259r. Buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 bu \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 elitalar avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7ilikd\u0259n \u00e7\u0131xmaqdan \u00f6tr\u00fc dan\u0131\u015f\u0131qlar aparmaqda h\u0259v\u0259sliydil\u0259r: n\u0259tic\u0259 etibaril\u0259 buralarda pakt-haz\u0131rlamaq m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259si ba\u015f tutdu, \u00e7\u00fcnki \u0259sas problem demokratiyaya s\u00fclh yoluyla ke\u00e7m\u0259kd\u0259n \u00f6tr\u00fc elitalar\u0131n bir-biriyl\u0259 nec\u0259 dil tapaca\u011f\u0131 m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259si idi. Rum\u0131niya v\u0259 \u00c7exiya Respublikas\u0131 kimi b\u0259zi n\u00fcmun\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 hadis\u0259l\u0259r ba\u015f ver\u0259nd\u0259 xalq s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259rlikl\u0259ri olmu\u015fdu olma\u011f\u0131na, lakin ilkin t\u0259\u015f\u0259bb\u00fcs Qorba\u00e7ovdan v\u0259 elitan\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259n g\u0259lmi\u015fdi. Ox\u015far \u015f\u0259kild\u0259, Lat\u0131n Amerikas\u0131ndak\u0131 ordular idar\u0259\u00e7ilikd\u0259n yorulmu\u015fdular, ona g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259ti xalqa t\u0259hvil verm\u0259y\u0259 meyilli idil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u018fr\u0259b Bahar\u0131na, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n R\u0259ngli \u0130nqilablara g\u0259ldikd\u0259, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 ba\u015fqa c\u00fcrd\u00fcr, \u00e7\u00fcnki onlar\u0131n ham\u0131s\u0131nda xalq s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259rliyi vard\u0131. Bunu biz g\u00f6zd\u0259n qa\u00e7\u0131rmamal\u0131y\u0131q. N\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r ki, vacib sosial qruplar\u0131 birl\u0259\u015fdir\u0259n xalq s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259rliyi yoxdur, demokratiya \u0259ld\u0259 edil\u0259 bilm\u0259z. \u018fr\u0259b passivliyi il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u0259l stereotipl\u0259r\u0259 baxmayaraq, bu, \u0259r\u0259b d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda ba\u015f verdi. \u018flb\u0259tt\u0259, yax\u0131n zamanlarda burada Q\u0259rb liberal demokratiyas\u0131na b\u0259nz\u0259r bir \u015fey ba\u015f verm\u0259y\u0259c\u0259k, ancaq 19-cu \u0259srin Avropas\u0131nda da h\u0259r \u015fey bel\u0259 ba\u015flam\u0131\u015fd\u0131: \u0130nsanlar art\u0131q d\u00f6zm\u0259dil\u0259r, onlar h\u0259qiq\u0259t\u0259n \u00f6zl\u0259rind\u0259n \u00e7\u0131x\u0131b k\u00fc\u00e7\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 ax\u0131\u015fd\u0131lar, h\u0259yatlar\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259 alt\u0131na qoyaraq rejiml\u0259ri devirdil\u0259r. Bu, \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dal\u011fan\u0131n \u0259ks\u0259r ilkin ke\u00e7idl\u0259rind\u0259 ba\u015f verm\u0259y\u0259n bir \u015fey idi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Yeri g\u0259lmi\u015fk\u0259n, Larri, son d\u00f6vrl\u0259rd\u0259ki n\u00fcmun\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 ba\u015f ver\u0259n pakt \u0259sasl\u0131, elita-t\u0259may\u00fcll\u00fc yegan\u0259 ke\u00e7id Birmada ba\u015f verib, buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 s\u0259n orda ke\u00e7id \u0259d\u0259biyyat\u0131 il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00e7oxlu rezonanslar g\u00f6r\u0259 bilmis\u0259n. Liviya, Misir v\u0259 Tunisd\u0259ki ke\u00e7idl\u0259r is\u0259 elitadak\u0131 bo\u015fluqlar s\u0259b\u0259bind\u0259n ba\u015f verm\u0259yib. Onlar k\u00fc\u00e7\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 \u00e7\u0131xan insanlar\u0131n h\u0259dsiz v\u0259 h\u0259dsiz b\u00f6y\u00fck olan t\u0259zyiqi n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 ba\u015f verib, Lat\u0131n Amerikas\u0131nda v\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Avropada is\u0259 hadis\u0259l\u0259r bel\u0259 m\u00fctl\u0259q ard\u0131c\u0131ll\u0131qla ba\u015f verm\u0259mi\u015fdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Larri Dayomond: M\u0259nc\u0259, sizin sonuncu fikriniz yanl\u0131\u015fd\u0131r. Braziliyada v\u0259 dig\u0259r \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 ordunun idar\u0259\u00e7ilikd\u0259n yorulmas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0259b\u0259bl\u0259ri vard\u0131. Bu ke\u00e7idl\u0259rin ba\u015f tutmas\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u0259slind\u0259 \u00e7ox b\u00f6y\u00fck xalq etirazlar\u0131 olmu\u015fdu v\u0259 z\u0259nnimc\u0259, post-1974 d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259ki v\u0259 sonra g\u0259l\u0259n ke\u00e7idl\u0259r aras\u0131nda bu n\u00f6v k\u0259skin a\u011f-qara f\u0259rql\u0259ndim\u0259 etm\u0259k \u00e7\u0259tindir. \u018flb\u0259tt\u0259, \u018fr\u0259b Bahar\u0131 v\u0259 R\u0259ngli \u0130nqilablar geni\u015f xalq k\u00fctl\u0259l\u0259rinin etirazlar\u0131 n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 ba\u015f verib, lakin 1986-c\u0131 ild\u0259 Filippind\u0259 “Xalq g\u00fcc\u00fc” inqilab\u0131 ya\u015fan\u0131b, C\u0259nubi Koreyada v\u0259 b\u0259zi Lat\u0131n Amerika ke\u00e7idl\u0259ri d\u0259 h\u0259m\u00e7inin xalq k\u00fctl\u0259l\u0259rinin s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259rliyi n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 ba\u015f vermi\u015fdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Mark Plattner: Ke\u00e7id konseptini ayd\u0131nla\u015fd\u0131rma\u011f\u0131n yollar\u0131ndan biri, ondan sonra n\u0259yin g\u0259ldiyini m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259nl\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259kdir. \u018fg\u0259r ard\u0131c\u0131ll\u0131q normal sur\u0259td\u0259 ba\u015f verirs\u0259, ke\u00e7idd\u0259n sonrak\u0131 m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259 konsalidasiyad\u0131r (b\u0259rkitm\u0259-t\u0259rc). Ke\u00e7idl\u0259r bar\u0259d\u0259 dan\u0131\u015fma\u011f\u0131n m\u0259ntiq\u0259 uy\u011fun olmas\u0131 bar\u0259d\u0259 n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r \u00e7ox \u00fcmumi raz\u0131l\u0131q varsa, z\u0259nnimc\u0259, bir o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 konsalidasiyan\u0131n d\u00fczg\u00fcn termin olub-olmamas\u0131 bar\u0259d\u0259 fikir ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 var, s\u00f6hb\u0259t bir \u00e7ox s\u0259b\u0259bd\u0259n dolay\u0131 demokratiyan\u0131n sa\u011f qal\u0131b-qalmayaca\u011f\u0131 m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259n gedir. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, konsalidasiya m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259n dan\u0131\u015fma\u011fa d\u0259y\u0259rmi?\n<\/p>\n

\n Frensis Fukuyama: M\u0259nc\u0259, bu, i\u015f\u0259 yaram\u0131r. Demokratiya – hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, qanunun aliliyini v\u0259 adekvat d\u00f6vl\u0259ti \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259 ehtiva ed\u0259n institutlar \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259si kompleksidir: onlar bir-birl\u0259rin\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 i\u015fl\u0259m\u0259k m\u0259cburiyy\u0259tind\u0259dirl\u0259r, u\u011furlu demokratiya b\u00fct\u00fcn bu m\u00fcxt\u0259lif komponentl\u0259r institutla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u0259qdird\u0259 ba\u015f tutur. \u0130deya bundan ibar\u0259tdir ki, bu zaman ra\u00e7et effekti (Ra\u00e7et effekti: iqtisadi termindir, t\u0259drici t\u0259zyiq n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 qiym\u0259tl\u0259r, yaxud \u0259m\u0259k haqlar\u0131 qalx\u0131r, lakin t\u0259zyiq bitdikd\u0259n sonra o, art\u0131q geriy\u0259 qay\u0131da bilmir) \u2013 tutal\u0131m, s\u0259n iki se\u00e7kid\u0259 qalib g\u0259lmis\u0259n v\u0259 art\u0131q geriy\u0259 qay\u0131tmadan yax\u015f\u0131 demokratiyaya do\u011fru ir\u0259lil\u0259yirs\u0259n – n\u0259z\u0259ri bax\u0131mdan sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq i\u015f\u0259 yaram\u0131r, bu, art\u0131q b\u0259zi \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 ba\u015f verib. \u0130ndiki Macar\u0131stana bir bax\u0131n: bu \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259 1990-larda v\u0259 2000-l\u0259rd\u0259 bir ne\u00e7\u0259 u\u011furlu r\u0259qab\u0259tli se\u00e7kil\u0259r ba\u015f tutub, haz\u0131rda is\u0259 orada h\u00f6kum\u0259t yava\u015f-yava\u015f macar demokratiyas\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00e7ox elementl\u0259rini da\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Ra\u00e7et effekti metaforu h\u0259qiq\u0259t\u0259n d\u0259 aldad\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnki ist\u0259nil\u0259n \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259 siyasi t\u0259n\u0259zz\u00fcl m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Tarixd\u0259 yaln\u0131zca bir vacib istiqam\u0259t vard\u0131r dey\u0259 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u0259y\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b yoxdur. Ona g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 biz b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u0259 avtokratiyan\u0131n ilkin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u0259n daha \u00e7ox demokratiyan\u0131n institutla\u015fmas\u0131 m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sin\u0259 k\u00f6kl\u0259nm\u0259liyik.\n<\/p>\n

\n Donald Horovits: Z\u0259nnimc\u0259, konsalidasiya instututla\u015fmaya zidd deyil, h\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd, institutla\u015fma b\u00f6y\u00fck ehtimalla daha y\u00fcks\u0259k standart\u0131r. Fikrimc\u0259, biz\u0259 demokratiyan\u0131n konsalidasiya prosesind\u0259 olub-olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u0259y\u0259 imkan ver\u0259n ehtimal g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259ri m\u00f6vcuddur: m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, ordu etibars\u0131zla\u015fd\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, s\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259d\u0259 yand\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan v\u0259 yaxud par\u00e7aland\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan hakimiyy\u0259ti \u0259l\u0259 ke\u00e7ir\u0259 bilmir; birisi diktatorlu\u011fa can atanda v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f siyasi qruplar\u0131 aras\u0131nda olan balans ona qar\u015f\u0131 birl\u0259\u015fm\u0259y\u0259 imkan verir: se\u00e7kil\u0259r art\u0131q bir rutin hal\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131r: m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259l\u0259r az v\u0259 ya \u00e7ox d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259 m\u00fcst\u0259qil m\u0259kan \u0259ld\u0259 ed\u0259 bilirl\u0259r v\u0259 bu siyasi eyhamlarad\u0259k bel\u0259 gedib \u00e7ata bilir (bunun \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn s\u0131naq qeyri-populyar m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259 q\u0259rarlar\u0131n\u0131n q\u0259bul olunmas\u0131 ola bil\u0259r). \u018fg\u0259r s\u0259n bel\u0259 g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259rd\u0259n yararlansan, – v\u0259 m\u0259n s\u0259nin bundan daha b\u00f6y\u00fck v\u0259 faydal\u0131 siyah\u0131 haz\u0131rlaya bil\u0259c\u0259yin\u0259 \u015f\u00fcbh\u0259 edir\u0259m – g\u00f6r\u0259c\u0259ks\u0259n ki, bir-birin\u0259 zidd ged\u0259n sad\u0259c\u0259 iki siyasi qrupa malik olmaq, demokratiyan\u0131n \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259rini g\u00fccl\u0259ndirir, \u00e7\u00fcnki bir qrup iqtidar\u0131 \u0259l\u0259 ke\u00e7irm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fsa, ba\u015fqalar\u0131 ona qar\u015f\u0131 birl\u0259\u015f\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259r. Hesab etmir\u0259m ki, konsalidasiya, \u00fcmumiyy\u0259tl\u0259, yarars\u0131z konseptdir. Lakin bu konseptl\u0259rin h\u0259r biri bizi m\u00fctl\u0259q \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 uza\u011fa da aparm\u0131r, onlar d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259 kateqoriyalar\u0131d\u0131r, ist\u0259yirs\u0259n bunu i\u00e7in\u0259 \u00e7oxlu faydal\u0131 \u015fey \u0259lav\u0259 el\u0259y\u0259 bil\u0259c\u0259yin konteyner kimi d\u0259 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u0259 bil\u0259rs\u0259n.\n<\/p>\n

\n Larri Dayomond: M\u0259nc\u0259, biz burada demokratiyan\u0131n d\u0259rinliyi v\u0259 keyfiyy\u0259ti, onun yerin\u0259 yetirm\u0259k v\u0259 \u00e7atd\u0131rmaq qabiliyy\u0259tin\u0259 fokuslanma\u011fa ehtiyac duyuruq. Bu m\u0259nada m\u0259n Frankla raz\u0131yam v\u0259 hesab edir\u0259m ki, bizim diqq\u0259timizi d\u00f6vl\u0259tin – t\u0259kc\u0259 demokratiyan\u0131n n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259li institutlar\u0131n\u0131n deyil, d\u00f6vl\u0259t institutlar\u0131n\u0131n “i\u015fl\u0259kliyi” bax\u0131m\u0131ndan – keyfiyy\u0259ti m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sin\u0259 yenid\u0259n y\u00f6nl\u0259ndirm\u0259kd\u0259 Frank\u0131n i\u015fi \u0259v\u0259zsizdir. \u018fg\u0259r konsalidasiya – stabillik, d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck, konsensus astanas\u0131na daxil olmaqd\u0131rsa, o zaman bu yararl\u0131 konseptdir dey\u0259 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u0259m. V\u0259 bu t\u0259kc\u0259 Donun indic\u0259 sadalad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259rd\u0259 deyil, ictimai d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259d\u0259 d\u0259 \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6st\u0259rir, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, siyas\u0259t\u00e7il\u0259rin, yaxud demokratiyan\u0131n i\u015fl\u0259kliyi bar\u0259d\u0259 inams\u0131zl\u0131q n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r \u00e7ox olursa olsun, demokratiyaya s\u0259daq\u0259t \u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 idar\u0259\u00e7ilik formas\u0131 kimi y\u00fcks\u0259k olaraq qal\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130kincisi, konsalidasiya bar\u0259d\u0259ki \u0259ks\u0259r \u0259d\u0259biyyat onun t\u0259klif etdiyi sad\u0259 \u015feyl\u0259ri \u0259ks etdirmir, ki konsalidasiya sars\u0131lmazl\u0131q dem\u0259kdir. Ke\u00e7idd\u0259n \u0259vv\u0259lki d\u00f6vr \u0259rzind\u0259 ba\u015f ver\u0259n institutsional v\u0259 normativ d\u0259yi\u015fikl\u0259r m\u00fcdd\u0259tind\u0259 demokratiyalar\u0131n konsalidasiya oluna bil\u0259c\u0259yi hans\u0131sa bir proses vard\u0131r. Z\u0259nnimc\u0259, azadl\u0131qlar\u0131n, h\u0259m\u00e7inin se\u00e7kil\u0259r aras\u0131ndak\u0131 hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n minimal \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 \u00f6z \u0259ksini tapd\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fchitd\u0259 insanlar\u0131n nisb\u0259td\u0259 azad v\u0259 \u0259dal\u0259tli se\u00e7kil\u0259rl\u0259 liderl\u0259rini se\u00e7\u0259 v\u0259 d\u0259yi\u015fdir\u0259 bildiyi t\u0259m\u0259l demokratiya \u0259ld\u0259 edil\u0259nd\u0259, ke\u00e7id sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq ba\u015fa \u00e7at\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Daha iki m\u0259qam: Y\u00fcks\u0259k keyfiyy\u0259tli demokratiya il\u0259 konsalidasiya aras\u0131nda olduqca yax\u0131n ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131q var. S\u0259n tutum, institutla\u015fma v\u0259 bu q\u0259bild\u0259n olan terminl\u0259rin astanas\u0131n\u0131 adlamayan \u00e7oxlu konsalidasiyal\u0131 demokratiya g\u00f6r\u0259 bilm\u0259zs\u0259n.\n<\/p>\n

\n N\u0259hay\u0259t, biz demokraiyan\u0131n dekonsoldisiyas\u0131 il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 da bir ne\u00e7\u0259 k\u0259lm\u0259 dan\u0131\u015fa bil\u0259rik. \u018fg\u0259r siyasi t\u0259n\u0259zz\u00fcl ba\u015f verirs\u0259, o, nec\u0259 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr, biz onu nec\u0259 f\u0259rq edirik? Yunan\u0131stan (yaxud eyni c\u00fcr Macar\u0131stan) sadac\u0259 olaraq Avropa Biriliyin \u00fczv\u00fcd\u00fcrs\u0259, demokratiya orada h\u0259r zaman stabildir dey\u0259 nikbin olmamal\u0131y\u0131q. \u018fg\u0259r Yunan\u0131standa neo-nasist partiyas\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259rd\u0259 7 faiz s\u0259s y\u0131\u011f\u0131bsa, burada art\u0131q siyasi t\u0259n\u0259zz\u00fcl ba\u015f verm\u0259kd\u0259dir. S\u0259n sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq b\u0259han\u0259 g\u0259tir\u0259, “adamlar sad\u0259c\u0259 iqtisadi v\u0259ziyy\u0259td\u0259n bezibl\u0259r”, – dey\u0259 bilm\u0259zs\u0259n. Bu, Tom Karotersin n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 “teleolojik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u0259” \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015fana daha ciddi yana\u015fmaq laz\u0131m oldu\u011funu izah edir.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n M\u00fczakir\u0259nin ard\u0131 var v\u0259 iyun ay\u0131n\u0131n sonunda yay\u0131mlanacaq.
\n <\/i>\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n \u201cDemokratiya Jurnal\u0131\u201d 25:1 (2014), 86-100. \u00a9 M\u0259qal\u0259 Johns Hopkins University Press-in icaz\u0259si il\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan dilin\u0259 t\u0259rc\u00fcm\u0259 edil\u0259r\u0259k Meydan.TV sayt\u0131nda yay\u0131mlan\u0131r.
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Ke\u00e7id paradiqmalar\u0131na yenid\u0259n bax\u0131\u015f<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":86744,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_sitemap_exclude":false,"_sitemap_priority":"","_sitemap_frequency":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[51],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-184939","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analitika","infinite-scroll-item","generate-columns","tablet-grid-50","mobile-grid-100","grid-parent","grid-33","no-featured-image-padding"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nAvtoritarizm y\u0131x\u0131ld\u0131qdan sonra ba\u015f ver\u0259c\u0259k prosesl\u0259r - MEYDAN.TV<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/avtoritarizm-yixildiqdan-sonra-bas-verecek-prosesler\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"az_AZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Avtoritarizm y\u0131x\u0131ld\u0131qdan sonra ba\u015f ver\u0259c\u0259k prosesl\u0259r - 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