{"id":184142,"date":"2017-05-05T01:56:58","date_gmt":"2017-05-05T01:56:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/article\/yeni-avtoritarizmin-ziddiyyetleri\/"},"modified":"2017-05-05T01:56:58","modified_gmt":"2017-05-05T01:56:58","slug":"yeni-avtoritarizmin-ziddiyyetleri","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/yeni-avtoritarizmin-ziddiyyetleri\/","title":{"rendered":"Yeni avtoritarizmin ziddiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n 1989-cu il inqilablar\u0131n\u0131n h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 t\u0259sirind\u0259 olan bir g\u0259nc bolqar elm adam\u0131 kimi m\u0259n 1991-ci ilin \u0259vv\u0259ll\u0259rind\u0259 Oksfordun M\u00fcq\u0259dd\u0259s Antoni Kollecinin kitabxanas\u0131nda oturub Seymur Martin Lipsetin klassik “Siyasi adam” kitab\u0131n\u0131 oxuyurdum. Bu, unudulmaz d\u00f6vrd\u0259 g\u00fcnd\u0259lik q\u0259zet oxumaq siyas\u0259t elmini oxumaqdan daha maraql\u0131 idi, b\u0259lk\u0259 d\u0259 m\u0259hz bu s\u0259b\u0259bd\u0259n Lipsetin analizi m\u0259n\u0259 bel\u0259 dem\u0259k m\u00fcmk\u00fcns\u0259, bir az k\u00fct g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fd\u00fc. Yaln\u0131z indi m\u0259n ba\u015fa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u0259m ki, bu, sosial elml\u0259rd\u0259 h\u0259r bir klassik kitab\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259k bir q\u0259zav\u00fc-q\u0259d\u0259rdir. Birinci s\u0259hif\u0259ni a\u00e7mam\u0131\u015fdan s\u0259n\u0259 el\u0259 g\u0259lir ki, art\u0131q bunu lap \u00e7oxdan oxumusan, ola bil\u0259r o, ilk n\u0259\u015fr olundu\u011fu d\u00f6vrd\u0259 inqilabi n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259r ortaya qoyub, lakin onillikl\u0259r ke\u00e7\u0259nd\u0259n sonra baya\u011f\u0131 v\u0259 adi t\u0259sir ba\u011f\u0131\u015flay\u0131r. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, Lipsetin \u0259s\u0259ril\u0259 ilk tan\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131mda m\u0259n m\u0259xsusi olaraq n\u0259 kitabdan, n\u0259 d\u0259 m\u00fc\u0259llifd\u0259n t\u0259sirl\u0259nmi\u015fdim.\n<\/p>\n

\n H\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd Lipseti 20 ild\u0259n sonra t\u0259krar m\u00fctali\u0259 ed\u0259rk\u0259n, m\u0259n k\u0259\u015ff etdim ki, o, n\u0259inki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259sinin orijinall\u0131\u011f\u0131 bax\u0131m\u0131ndan, h\u0259m\u00e7inin \u015f\u0259xsiyy\u0259tinin m\u00fcdhi\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fc bax\u0131m\u0131ndan da \u00e7ox heyratamizdir. Lipset bu g\u00fcn bizim h\u0259dsiz ehtiyac\u0131m\u0131z olan intellektual tipinin m\u00fcc\u0259ss\u0259m\u0259sidir. O, h\u0259m \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn mara\u011f\u0131, h\u0259m d\u0259 ciddiliyi il\u0259 heyran edir. Elm h\u0259yat\u0131 boyunca, o, \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc maraqland\u0131ran h\u0259r \u015feyi t\u0259dqiq etm\u0259y\u0259 v\u0259 n\u0259\u015fr etm\u0259y\u0259 m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259q olub. O, bir balkan qa\u00e7aqmal\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 kimi asanl\u0131qla b\u00fct\u00fcn vacib s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259ri a\u015fa bilib. O, ehkam\u00e7\u0131 olmadan ard\u0131c\u0131l, t\u0259r\u0259fke\u015f olmadan siyasi ola bilib v\u0259 o, h\u0259m akademik t\u0259r\u0259f m\u00fcqabill\u0259rin\u0259, h\u0259m d\u0259 ictimai d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259y\u0259 t\u0259sir g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259y\u0259 m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259q olub. Q\u0131sacas\u0131, Lipset \u00f6zl\u0259rini “d\u00fcnyayla b\u0259hs\u0259 girm\u0259y\u0259” h\u0259sr ed\u0259n Amerikan\u0131n \u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 ictimai intellektuallar n\u0259slinin n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n biriydi.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130van Krastev 2010-cu ilin oktyar\u0131nda Va\u015finqtondak\u0131 Kanada s\u0259firliyind\u0259 v\u0259 Toronto Universitetind\u0259ki Munk Xarici \u0130\u015fl\u0259r M\u0259kt\u0259binin Beyn\u0259lxalq \u018flaq\u0259l\u0259r M\u0259rk\u0259zind\u0259 h\u0259r il ke\u00e7iril\u0259n D\u00fcnyada Demokratiya Seymur Lipset Martin m\u00fchazir\u0259l\u0259rinin yeddincisini deyib.\n<\/p>\n

\n \"Amerikal\u0131
\n Amerikal\u0131 politoloq Seymur Martin Lipseti
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\n 2006-c\u0131 ild\u0259 v\u0259fat ed\u0259n Seymur Martin Lipset ke\u00e7\u0259n \u0259srin ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda \u0259n n\u00fcfuzlu sosial aliml\u0259rd\u0259n v\u0259 demokratiya m\u00fct\u0259x\u0259ssisl\u0259rind\u0259n biri idi. Lipset Kolumbiya, Kaliforniya-Berkli, Harvard, Stenford v\u0259 Corc Meyson kimi universitetl\u0259rd\u0259 d\u0259rs deyib. O, “Siyasi adam”, “\u0130lk Yeni Xalq”, “M\u0259ntiqsizlik siyas\u0259ti” v\u0259 “Amerikan Eksepsionalizmi: iki tiy\u0259li q\u0131l\u0131nc” kimi kitablar\u0131n m\u00fc\u0259llifidir. Lipset h\u0259m Amerikan Siyasi Elml\u0259r Assosiasiyas\u0131n\u0131n (1979-80), h\u0259m d\u0259 Amerikan Sosioloji Assosiasiyas\u0131n\u0131n (1992-93) prezidenti olan yegan\u0259 \u015f\u0259xsdir.\n<\/p>\n

\n Elm adam\u0131n\u0131n \u0259s\u0259rl\u0259ri m\u00fcxt\u0259lif m\u00f6vzular\u0131 \u0259hat\u0259 edib: o, demokratiyan\u0131n sosial \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259rind\u0259n tutmu\u015f, iqtisadi art\u0131m, siyasi m\u0259d\u0259niyy\u0259t, sosializmin t\u0259m\u0259ll\u0259ri, fa\u015fizm, inqilab, \u00fcsyan, xurafat, ekstremizm, sinfi m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259, struktur v\u0259 s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259rlik v\u0259 s. m\u00f6vzularda yaz\u0131b. Lipset m\u00fcqayis\u0259li siyas\u0259td\u0259n yazan pionerl\u0259rd\u0259ndir, onun \u015eimali Amerikan\u0131n iki demokratiyas\u0131 bar\u0259d\u0259ki m\u00fcqayis\u0259li analizl\u0259ri \u00e7ox m\u00fcst\u0259sna \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259t k\u0259sb edir. Onun Kanadan\u0131 AB\u015e-la m\u00fcqayis\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259k\u0259r\u0259k etdiyi ara\u015fd\u0131rmalar h\u0259qiq\u0259t\u0259n \u00e7ox heyratamizdir. \u018fn \u00e7ox “Qit\u0259 b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u0259si”nd\u0259 \u00f6z \u0259ksini tapan Kanadan\u0131n AB\u015e-la m\u00fcqayis\u0259li analizi say\u0259sind\u0259, o “Kanadal\u0131 Tokvil” kimi xat\u0131rlanma\u011fa ba\u015flan\u0131b.\n<\/p>\n

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\n \u00d6z\u00fcn\u00fcn avtobioqrafik essesi “Ard\u0131c\u0131l i\u015f”d\u0259 Lipset yaz\u0131rd\u0131:
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\n “M\u0259kt\u0259b v\u0259 universitet ill\u0259ri vaxt\u0131mda m\u0259n bir Trotski\u00e7i, yaxud sol\u00e7u kimi \u00fc\u00e7 sual\u0131n cavab\u0131n\u0131 axtar\u0131rd\u0131m. \u018fn \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tlisi bu idi – niy\u0259 Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131nda Bol\u015fevik inqilab\u0131 repressiv v\u0259 istismar\u00e7\u0131 c\u0259miyy\u0259t\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xard\u0131?.. M\u0259ni narahat ed\u0259n ikinci sual bel\u0259ydi: niy\u0259 demokratik sosializm c\u0259r\u0259yan\u0131… sosializmd\u0259n o yana ke\u00e7\u0259c\u0259k siyas\u0259t\u0259 sadiq qala bilm\u0259di?.. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc sual is\u0259 bel\u0259ydi – n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 AB\u015e-da he\u00e7 zaman b\u00f6y\u00fck sosialist partiyas\u0131 olmay\u0131b?.. Bu suallar\u0131n cavablar\u0131n\u0131 tapmaq c\u0259hdl\u0259ri m\u0259nim akademik karyeram\u0131n b\u00f6y\u00fck qismini \u0259hat\u0259 edib”.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bu suallara cavab verm\u0259k v\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6mr\u00fc boyunca onlarla \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fmaq Lipset \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn d\u00fcnyayla \u0259laq\u0259d\u0259 olmaq formas\u0131 idi. Bu, ola bilsin bizim \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn d\u0259 izl\u0259m\u0259kd\u0259n \u00f6tr\u00fc yax\u015f\u0131 modeldir, h\u0259tta tapd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z cavablardan \u015f\u00fcbh\u0259 duysaq bel\u0259. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, Lipsetin Xatir\u0259 M\u00fchazir\u0259sind\u0259 m\u0259n\u0259 veril\u0259n f\u00fcrs\u0259td\u0259n istifad\u0259 ed\u0259r\u0259k, b\u0259nd\u0259nizi yax\u0131nlaracan maraqland\u0131ran 3 suala m\u00fcraci\u0259t etm\u0259k ist\u0259rdim. 1) N\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 demokratiya eras\u0131nda avtoritar rejiml\u0259r ya\u015faya bilirl\u0259r? 2) N\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 siyas\u0259t elmi bel\u0259 rejiml\u0259rin m\u00fcqavim\u0259tini sezm\u0259kd\u0259 u\u011fursuz olub? 3) N\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 m\u00fcasir avtoritarizm\u0259 m\u00fcqavim\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259k \u00e7\u0259tindir?\n<\/p>\n

\n M\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259l\u0259rimin b\u00f6y\u00fck \u0259ks\u0259riyy\u0259ti x\u00fcsus\u0259n Rusiyan\u0131n post-kommunist t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259sin\u0259 \u0259saslanacaq. Yeni avtoritarizmin probleml\u0259rini g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259y\u0259 c\u0259hd ed\u0259n m\u00fchazir\u0259d\u0259 Rusiyaya fokuslanmaq \u00e7oxuna t\u0259\u0259cc\u00fcbl\u00fc g\u0259l\u0259 bil\u0259r, bel\u0259 ki, \u0259dal\u0259tl\u0259 s\u00f6yl\u0259s\u0259k, tarixd\u0259 Rusiyan\u0131n d\u00f6vran\u0131 art\u0131q ke\u00e7mi\u015fd\u0259 qal\u0131b. Siyasi alim Stefen Holmsun iddia etdiyi kimi, “Demokratiya v\u0259 avtoritarianizm aras\u0131ndak\u0131 Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259d\u0259n qalma ideoloji q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259, Rusiyan\u0131n siyasi reall\u0131\u011f\u0131na t\u0259tbiq edil\u0259nd\u0259 a\u015fkara \u00e7\u0131xmaqdansa, daha da gizli qal\u0131r”. Bu, onu g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, demokratiya v\u0259 avtoritarianizm aras\u0131ndak\u0131 ha\u00e7alanma Moskvadak\u0131 haz\u0131rk\u0131 rejimi – z\u0259if c\u0259miyy\u0259t\u0259 z\u0259if tell\u0259rl\u0259 ba\u011flanan z\u0259if d\u00f6vl\u0259ti – ba\u015fa d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259kd\u0259 biz\u0259 o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 yard\u0131m ed\u0259 bilm\u0259z. H\u0259m\u00e7inin Rusiya yeni avtoritarianizmin c\u0259lbediciliyini izah etm\u0259k bax\u0131m\u0131ndan yax\u015f\u0131 n\u00fcmun\u0259 deyil, \u00e7\u00fcnki o, avtoritarianizm d\u0259binin geriy\u0259 qaytar\u0131lmas\u0131 n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n trend yaradan deyil. Kommunist sif\u0259tli \u00c7in kapitalizmi il\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 Rusiya avtoritarianizmi k\u00fct v\u0259 baya\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6rs\u0259nir. \u00c7in eksperimental v\u0259 yenilik\u00e7i oldu\u011fu t\u0259qdird\u0259, Rusiya k\u0259saf\u0259t\u0259 b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcb. Rusiya b\u00f6y\u00fck g\u00fcc kimi t\u0259kc\u0259 \u00f6z statusunu deyil, h\u0259m d\u0259 \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn \u0259srar\u0259ngiz auras\u0131n\u0131 itirib.\n<\/p>\n

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\n \u0130stifad\u0259\u00e7iyl\u0259 dost avtoritarizm
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\n \u018fg\u0259r Rusiya art\u0131q n\u0259 trend yaradan, n\u0259 d\u0259 intellektual sirr deyils\u0259, b\u0259s onda biz niy\u0259 m\u00fcasir avtoritarizmin ziddiy\u0259tl\u0259rini anlamaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn Rusiyaya fokuslanmal\u0131y\u0131q? Bu sual\u0131n cavab\u0131 3 s\u0259b\u0259bd\u0259 gizlidir.\n<\/p>\n

\n Birincisi, Robert Kaqan\u0131n m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259 etdiyi kimi, Rusiya tarixin sona yetdiyi, h\u0259m d\u0259 tarixin geri qay\u0131td\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerd\u0259 dayanm\u0131\u015fd\u0131. Bu m\u0259nada son iki onillikd\u0259 Rusiyan\u0131n siyasi t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259si bizim demokratiyan\u0131 v\u0259 avtokratiyan\u0131 ba\u015fa d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259yimizd\u0259 h\u0259lledici rol oynay\u0131r. Rusiyada 1990-c\u0131 ill\u0259rd\u0259 inki\u015faf etm\u0259kd\u0259 olan hadis\u0259l\u0259r bizim demokratiyan\u0131n qlobal miqyasda t\u0259\u015f\u0259kk\u00fcl tapaca\u011f\u0131na dair \u00fcmidl\u0259nm\u0259yimiz\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b olmu\u015f, 2000-l\u0259rd\u0259 is\u0259 \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259 demokratiyan\u0131n u\u011fursuzlu\u011fa d\u00fc\u00e7ar olmas\u0131, bir \u00e7oxlar\u0131n\u0131n demokratiyan\u0131n qlobal miqyasda inqilab ed\u0259c\u0259yin\u0259 dair d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259l\u0259rini d\u0259yi\u015fm\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xarm\u0131\u015fd\u0131. M\u0259hz bu n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259n, \u00c7in avtoritarizminin populyarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n s\u0259b\u0259bl\u0259rini izah etm\u0259kd\u0259ns\u0259, Putin avtoritarizminin aldad\u0131c\u0131 t\u0259bi\u0259ti d\u00fcnyan\u0131n hara getdiyini anlamaq bax\u0131m\u0131ndan daha vacib ola bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130kincisi, Rusiya h\u0259m d\u0259 ona g\u00f6r\u0259 maraql\u0131 n\u00fcmun\u0259dir ki, o, yeni m\u00fcqayis\u0259vi avtoritarizmin a\u00e7ar x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259rini \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259 ehtiva edir. Rusiya rejimi sad\u0259c\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259rind\u0259 repressivdir. Putinin avtoritarizmi “vegeteriand\u0131r”. Siyasi repressiyalar m\u00f6vcud olsa da, insan h\u00fcquqlar\u0131 t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131 jurnalistl\u0259rin v\u0259 dig\u0259r rejim opponentl\u0259rinin t\u0259qibl\u0259r\u0259 m\u0259ruz qald\u0131qlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0259n\u0259dl\u0259\u015fdirs\u0259l\u0259r d\u0259, bu g\u00fcn ruslar\u0131n tarixl\u0259rind\u0259 he\u00e7 vaxt olmad\u0131qlar\u0131 q\u0259d\u0259r azad olduqlar\u0131n\u0131 dem\u0259k haqs\u0131zl\u0131q olmazd\u0131. V\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar s\u0259y\u0259hat\u0259 ed\u0259, \u00c7ind\u0259n tutmu\u015f \u0130rana q\u0259d\u0259r s\u0259rb\u0259stc\u0259sin\u0259 s\u00f6rfinq ed\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r, d\u00f6vl\u0259t internet\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t etm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131r – h\u0259r k\u0259s “r\u00fc\u015fv\u0259t vergisi”ni \u00f6d\u0259m\u0259k \u015f\u0259rtil\u0259 biznesl\u0259 m\u0259\u015f\u011ful ola bil\u0259r. S\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259ri ba\u011fl\u0131, yaln\u0131z \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259n ibar\u0259t olan Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131ndan f\u0259rqli olaraq, Rusiya s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259ri a\u00e7\u0131q olan a\u00e7\u0131q bazard\u0131r. Dem\u0259k olar, 10 milyon rus m\u00fcnt\u0259z\u0259m olaraq h\u0259r il s\u0259yah\u0259t edir.\n<\/p>\n

\n \"\"
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\n Putin rejimi h\u0259m\u00e7inin qeyri-ideolojidir. Kremlin ideologiya qura\u015fd\u0131rmaq bax\u0131m\u0131ndan \u0259n ambisiyal\u0131 layih\u0259si “suveren-demokratiya” konseptinin taleyi bu m\u0259nada \u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 n\u00fcmun\u0259dir. \u0130st\u0259nil\u0259n siyasi rejim kimi Putin Kremli d\u0259 kollektiv kimlik yaratmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn d\u0259rid\u0259n-qab\u0131qdan \u00e7\u0131x\u0131r, gah mill\u0259t\u00e7i damarlara toxunur, gah Sovet nostalgiyas\u0131na m\u00fcraci\u0259t edir, lakin h\u0259r halda AB\u015e-dan d\u0259rs almaya\u011f\u0131q dey\u0259 iki aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bir ba\u015fma\u011fa dir\u0259yib israr etm\u0259k ideologiya say\u0131la bilm\u0259z. Rusiya elitas\u0131n\u0131n bir m\u00fcdd\u0259t \u0259vv\u0259l “suveren demokratiya” \u015f\u00fcar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0259yi\u015fib “modernl\u0259\u015fm\u0259\u201dy\u0259 ke\u00e7id etm\u0259si, m\u00f6vcud rejimin post-ideoloji xarakterini g\u00f6zl\u0259r \u00f6n\u00fcn\u0259 s\u0259rir. Bu \u00f6z\u00fc d\u0259 bir variantd\u0131r – \u0259lb\u0259tt\u0259 ki, Q\u0259rb demokratiyas\u0131na alternativ olmayan – v\u0259 o, b\u0259zi \u0259sas demokratik institutlara adaptasiya olunma\u011fa m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259q olub, \u0259n diqq\u0259t\u00e7\u0259k\u0259n m\u0259qam kimi \u00f6z m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259ri \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn onun se\u00e7kil\u0259rd\u0259n sui-istifad\u0259sini g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259k olar.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, h\u0259m elitas\u0131n\u0131n, h\u0259m xalq\u0131n\u0131n u\u011furlu kimi q\u0259bul etdiyi \u00c7in rejimind\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, Rusiyada elita da, xalq da Putin rejiminin qeyri-funksional v\u0259 b\u0259hr\u0259siz oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr, amma rejim ya\u015famaqda davam edir. Rusiyan\u0131n Levada M\u0259rk\u0259zinin t\u0259z\u0259likc\u0259 ke\u00e7irdiyi son sor\u011fuya \u0259sas\u0259n, \u0259ks\u0259riyy\u0259t cari v\u0259ziyy\u0259ti dur\u011funluq kimi qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndirir. Bu g\u00fcn Rusiya avtoritarizminin ziddiyy\u0259ti odur ki, onun d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259nl\u0259rind\u0259n he\u00e7 d\u0259 az olmayan d\u0259st\u0259k\u00e7il\u0259ri rejimin y\u0131x\u0131l\u0131b ba\u015f-g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc \u0259zdiyini gizl\u0259tmir, amma h\u0259l\u0259lik o, hu\u015fsuz da olsa, he\u00e7 n\u0259 olmam\u0131\u015f kimi zar-zor yeriyir. B\u0259s n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 insanlar demokratik d\u0259yi\u015fikliy\u0259 ke\u00e7m\u0259kd\u0259ns\u0259, bel\u0259 “zombi avtoritarizmi” q\u0259bul etm\u0259y\u0259 haz\u0131rd\u0131rlar? Bu m\u0259hz el\u0259 Putin Rusiyas\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fcnyaya verdiyi suald\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Rusiya avtoritarizminin ziddiyy\u0259tli t\u0259bi\u0259ti – onun stabil v\u0259 qeyri-funksional, a\u00e7\u0131q v\u0259 qeyri-ideoloji olmas\u0131\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

\n – demokratiya eras\u0131nda avtoritarizmin n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 ayaq \u00fcst\u0259 qald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 v\u0259 m\u00fcasir avtoritar rejiml\u0259r\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 getm\u0259yin n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 bel\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tin oldu\u011funu ba\u015fa d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259kd\u0259 biz\u0259 \u00e7ox yard\u0131m\u00e7\u0131 ola bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n G\u00f6zl\u0259nilm\u0259z m\u00f6hk\u0259mlik
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n Birincisi, g\u0259lin bu suala cavab tapma\u011fa \u00e7al\u0131\u015faq: n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 demokratiya n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259\u00e7il\u0259ri avtoritarizmin m\u00f6hk\u0259mliyini g\u00f6r\u0259 bilm\u0259mi\u015fdil\u0259r?\n<\/p>\n

\n Seymur Martin Lipsetin \u00e7oxsayl\u0131 kitablar\u0131 v\u0259 m\u0259qal\u0259l\u0259ri aras\u0131nda biri \u00e7ox zaman diqq\u0259td\u0259n k\u0259narda qal\u0131b. Bu, onun 1994-c\u00fc ild\u0259 Macar filosofu v\u0259 ke\u00e7mi\u015f dissident Georgi Bens il\u0259 birlikd\u0259 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitab\u00e7ad\u0131r. Bu esse n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259 kimi deyil, n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn bilik m\u0259nb\u0259yi kimi n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutulub. Burada qoyulan sual ondan ibar\u0259tdir ki, n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 siyas\u0259t elmi kommunizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6rm\u0259y\u0259 m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259q olmam\u0131\u015fd\u0131.\n<\/p>\n

\n Lipset siyasi elmin bel\u0259 a\u011f\u0131r u\u011fursuzlu\u011funa iki \u0259sas s\u0259b\u0259bi ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u00fcrd\u00fc. Birincisi, Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 Sovet sisteminin stabilliyin\u0259 dair g\u00fcman Q\u0259rbd\u0259 ideoloji konsensus kimi \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck t\u0259\u015fkil edirdi. Siyasi sa\u011f Sovet sisteminin effektiv repressiyalar s\u0259b\u0259bind\u0259n dayan\u0131ql\u0131 oldu\u011funa inan\u0131rd\u0131 v\u0259 h\u0259mi\u015f\u0259 KQB, yaxud ordu kimi Sovet institutlar\u0131n\u0131 q\u0259ddar, a\u011f\u0131ll\u0131 v\u0259 effektiv oldu\u011funu t\u0259svir etm\u0259y\u0259 meyilli idi. Bu, sa\u011f\u0131n aldan\u0131\u015f\u0131 idi. Siyasi sol is\u0259 Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131n b\u0259rab\u0259r\u00e7i c\u0259miyy\u0259t olmaqla insanlar\u0131 pulsuz t\u0259hsil v\u0259 s\u0259hiyy\u0259yl\u0259 t\u0259min etdiyi fikrini q\u0259bul edir, Sovet sistemind\u0259ki sosial qanunauy\u011funlu\u011fu \u015fi\u015firtm\u0259y\u0259 meyl edirdi. Bu da solun aldan\u0131\u015f\u0131 idi. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 g\u00fcnl\u0259rind\u0259 m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 kommunizm\u0259 g\u0259ldikd\u0259, dem\u0259k olar ki, h\u0259r \u015feyd\u0259 bir-biril\u0259 raz\u0131la\u015fmayan sol v\u0259 sa\u011f yaln\u0131z Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131n dayan\u0131ql\u0131 olmas\u0131nda raz\u0131la\u015f\u0131rd\u0131lar.\n<\/p>\n

\n Lipset v\u0259 Bensen ikinci s\u0259b\u0259b kimi Sovet d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 diriymi\u015f kimi ara\u015fd\u0131ran k\u0259sl\u0259rin institutsional qeyri-obyektivliyini g\u00f6st\u0259rirl\u0259r. Siyasi akademikl\u0259r Sovet sisteminin nec\u0259 i\u015fl\u0259m\u0259si m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259 istisasla\u015fm\u0131\u015fd\u0131lar, ancaq onun \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ehtimal\u0131nda kor idil\u0259r. Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 d\u00f6vr\u00fcn\u00fcn siyas\u0259t elmi Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131n davaml\u0131 ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq birm\u0259nal\u0131 sur\u0259td\u0259 q\u0259bul etmi\u015fdi. Onun yax\u0131nla\u015fmaqda olan \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc is\u0259 akademiyadan k\u0259narda olanlar – jurnalistl\u0259r, dissidentl\u0259r v\u0259 siyasi aktivistl\u0259r \u0259vv\u0259lc\u0259d\u0259n g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015fd\u00fcl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Tarixin g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyi kimi, Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131 sovetoloqlar\u0131n g\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0259ksin\u0259 olaraq, stabil deyildi. O, q\u0259fild\u0259n a\u015f\u0131nma\u011fa ba\u015flayana q\u0259d\u0259r bel\u0259 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fc ki, o, \u0259b\u0259di ya\u015fayacaq. 1989-cu ilin ilahi s\u00fcrprizi elm adamlar\u0131na g\u00f6st\u0259rdi ki, qaya kimi s\u0259rt g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u0259n SSR\u0130, s\u0259n dem\u0259, h\u0259mi\u015f\u0259 k\u00f6vr\u0259k bir \u015fey olubmu\u015f. Poladdan d\u00fcz\u0259ldildiyi g\u00fcman edil\u0259n \u015fey, s\u0259n dem\u0259, ka\u011f\u0131zdan d\u00fcz\u0259ldilibmi\u015f.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bir vaxtlar kommunist rejiml\u0259rin irs\u0259n dayan\u0131ql\u0131 olduqlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcman ed\u0259n sovetoloqlar\u0131n g\u00fczg\u00fcd\u0259ki \u0259ksl\u0259ri kimi, \u0259ks\u0259r demokratiya n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259\u00e7il\u0259ri d\u0259 Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259nin sonundan \u00fcz\u00fc b\u0259ri bug\u00fcnk\u00fc avtoritar rejiml\u0259ri irs\u0259n k\u00f6vr\u0259k hesab edirdil\u0259r. Buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259, Rusiya v\u0259 \u00c7in kimi yeni avtoritar rejiml\u0259rl\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 ist\u0259nil\u0259n ciddi yenid\u0259n d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndirm\u0259 ehtimallar\u0131n ciddi \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 saf-\u00e7\u00fcr\u00fck edilm\u0259sind\u0259n ba\u015flanmal\u0131d\u0131r, o ehtimallar\u0131n ki, biz\u0259 avtoritarizmin tarixin k\u00fcll\u0259rind\u0259n yarand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndirm\u0259y\u0259 imkan versin.\n<\/p>\n

\n Samuel P.Hantinqton bu rejiml\u0259rin bir qayda olaraq fani t\u0259bi\u0259tli oldu\u011funu 1991-d\u0259 \u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259 ed\u0259nl\u0259rd\u0259n biri idi: “liberalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f avtoritarizm stabil m\u00fcvazin\u0259tli deyil: yar\u0131m ev ayaq \u00fcstd\u0259 dura bilm\u0259z”. \u018fg\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259r “performans g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259s\u0259l\u0259r, legitimlikl\u0259rini itir\u0259rl\u0259r, \u00e7\u00fcnki onlar\u0131n \u0259ld\u0259 g\u00fcc tutmas\u0131na haqq qazand\u0131ran yegan\u0259 \u015fey performansd\u0131r”.\n<\/p>\n

\n \"\"
<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\n N\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 biz bug\u00fcnk\u00fc avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin h\u0259dsiz qeyri-stabil oldu\u011funa inan\u0131r\u0131q? Birinci arqument modernizasiya n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259sinin n\u00fcv\u0259sind\u0259n ir\u0259li g\u0259lir v\u0259 o, “Lipset hipotezisi” adnland\u0131r\u0131la bil\u0259r. M\u00fcasirl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259\u00e7il\u0259ri demokratiyan\u0131 m\u00fcasirlik qabla\u015fd\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n vacib elementi kimi g\u00f6rm\u0259y\u0259 meyilldirl\u0259r, bura h\u0259m\u00e7inin urbanistl\u0259\u015fm\u0259, s\u0259nayel\u0259\u015fm\u0259, sekulyarla\u015fma daxildir. \u00d6z\u00fcn\u00fcn \u0259sas i\u015find\u0259 Lipset y\u00fcks\u0259k g\u0259lirin v\u0259 iqtisadi inki\u015faf\u0131n demokratiyan\u0131n davaml\u0131 olmas\u0131 \u015fanslar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u00fcr. O, h\u0259m\u00e7inin demokratiya v\u0259 kapitalizm aras\u0131nda se\u00e7kili yax\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n olmas\u0131nda israr edir. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, kapitalizmin qlobal miqyasda geni\u015fl\u0259nm\u0259si v\u0259 inki\u015faf etm\u0259kd\u0259 olan \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 g\u0259lirl\u0259rin g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u0259mi\u015f miqyasda artmas\u0131 avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin m\u00fcv\u0259qq\u0259ti fenomenl\u0259r olduqlar\u0131 g\u00f6zl\u0259ntisini g\u00fccl\u0259ndirir. \u018fn sonuncu ara\u015fd\u0131rma c\u0259miyy\u0259tl\u0259rin varland\u0131qca, d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259rin demokratiyaya dost olan yollar boyunca d\u0259yi\u015fdiyi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 d\u0259st\u0259kl\u0259yir.\n<\/p>\n

\n Avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin k\u00f6hn\u0259lm\u0259sin\u0259 dair ikinci arqument “a\u00e7\u0131ql\u0131q effekti” kimi xarakteriz\u0259 edil\u0259 bil\u0259r. \u00d6z\u00fcn\u00fcn \u0259trafl\u0131 sur\u0259td\u0259 b\u0259hs etdiyi m\u0259\u015fhur “J Curve” kitab\u0131nda Yan Bremmer azad ticar\u0259t, azad s\u0259yah\u0259t v\u0259 informasiyan\u0131n azad \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclm\u0259si \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259ri alt\u0131nda ancaq demokratik rejiml\u0259r dayan\u0131ql\u0131 ola bil\u0259rl\u0259r ideyas\u0131n\u0131 ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u00fcr. \u018fg\u0259r avtokratik rejiml\u0259r dayan\u0131ql\u0131 olmaq ist\u0259yirl\u0259rs\u0259, onlar ya \u00f6z “qap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131” ba\u011flamal\u0131d\u0131rlar (burada t\u0259kc\u0259 co\u011frafi s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259r deyil, onlar\u0131n qalan d\u00fcnyayla \u00e7oxt\u0259r\u0259fli t\u0259sirl\u0259nm\u0259 formalar\u0131 da n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutulur), ya da \u00f6zl\u0259rinin siyasi sisteml\u0259rini a\u00e7mal\u0131d\u0131rlar.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bizi avtoritarizmin k\u00f6hn\u0259liy\u0259 p\u0259r\u00e7im olundu\u011funu f\u0259rz etm\u0259y\u0259 s\u00f6vq ed\u0259n \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc arqument “imitasiya arqumenti”dir. Rusiya n\u00fcmun\u0259sind\u0259 g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyimiz kimi son iki onillik \u0259rzind\u0259 avtoritar liderl\u0259r demokratik institutlar\u0131 imitasiya etm\u0259y\u0259 v\u0259 demokratik dil\u0259 yiy\u0259l\u0259nm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131blar. Hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259kil\u0259rin hesablad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kimi se\u00e7kil\u0259r ke\u00e7irm\u0259k onlar\u0131n q\u0259bullanmas\u0131na g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xaracaq v\u0259 real d\u0259yi\u015fiklik \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn beyn\u0259lxalq t\u0259zyiq z\u0259if olacaq. \u0130mitasiya arqumentinin m\u00fcdafi\u0259\u00e7il\u0259ri israr edirl\u0259r ki, demokratik institutlar\u0131 m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n formalarda v\u0259 d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 m\u0259nims\u0259m\u0259kl\u0259 bel\u0259 idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r qa\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olaraq \u00f6zl\u0259rinin se\u00e7kili avtoritar rejiml\u0259rini risk alt\u0131na al\u0131rlar. Deyil\u0259n\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259, bir d\u0259f\u0259 Anton \u00c7exov \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn dramaturq dostlar\u0131na bel\u0259 m\u0259sl\u0259h\u0259t verib: “\u018fg\u0259r s\u0259n birinci s\u0259hn\u0259d\u0259 t\u00fcf\u0259ngi divardan assan, onda sonrak\u0131 s\u0259hn\u0259d\u0259 ondan at\u0259\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r”. Siyas\u0259t aliml\u0259ri m\u00fcbahis\u0259y\u0259 girirl\u0259r ki, \u0259g\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259r se\u00e7kil\u0259ri v\u0259 dig\u0259r demokratik institutlar\u0131 m\u0259nims\u0259yirl\u0259rs\u0259 – h\u0259tta \u0259n m\u0259hdud, manipulyativ formalarda bel\u0259 olsa- hans\u0131sa m\u0259qamda bu demokratik institutlardan “at\u0259\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lacaq”. H\u0259tta \u0259n poz\u011fun formada bel\u0259 olsa, demokratik institutlar\u0131n m\u00f6vcudlu\u011fu, \u0259n n\u0259hay\u0259t, onlar\u0131n z\u0259if yerind\u0259n vuracaq.\n<\/p>\n

\n Beyn\u0259lxalq m\u00fchitin d\u0259yi\u015fm\u0259si \u2013 bu, “geopolitik istil\u0259\u015fm\u0259nin” n\u0259tic\u0259sidir – bir ba\u015fqa arqumenti d\u0259 bundan ibar\u0259tdir ki, avtoritar rejiml\u0259r demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda tab g\u0259tir\u0259 bilm\u0259y\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259r, nec\u0259 ki, Buz D\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 dinozavrlar tab g\u0259tirm\u0259y\u0259 m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259q olmad\u0131lar. Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc v\u0259 Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259nin sonu avtokratlar\u0131 onlar\u0131n xarici himay\u0259darlar\u0131ndan m\u0259hrum edib.\n<\/p>\n

\n B\u00fct\u00fcn bu s\u0259b\u0259bl\u0259rd\u0259n dolay\u0131, 20-ci \u0259srin sonlar\u0131nda siyas\u0259t aliml\u0259ri avtokratik rejiml\u0259rin u\u011fursuzlu\u011fa d\u00fc\u00e7ar olacaqlar\u0131 inanc\u0131na meyil etmi\u015fdil\u0259r. Ancaq avtoritarizmin sonu lap \u0259vv\u0259ld\u0259n g\u00f6zl\u0259nils\u0259 d\u0259, o, h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 m\u00f6vcuddur. Ona g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 niy\u0259 demokratiya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda avtoritar rejiml\u0259r tab g\u0259tirir v\u0259 h\u0259tta \u00e7i\u00e7\u0259kl\u0259nirl\u0259r sual\u0131 yenid\u0259n soru\u015fulmal\u0131d\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n \u0130zahlar axtar\u0131\u015f\u0131nda
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n Son ill\u0259rd\u0259 Ceyson Braunli, Stiven Levitski v\u0259 Lukan Vey kimi elm adamlar\u0131 21-ci \u0259srd\u0259 avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin sa\u011f qalmas\u0131nda hans\u0131 faktorlar\u0131n rol oynamas\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00e7oxsayl\u0131 t\u00f6hv\u0259l\u0259r veribl\u0259r. Braunli g\u00f6st\u0259rdi ki, “\u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259rl\u0259 avtoritarizm\u0259 ke\u00e7id… tam demokratiyaya f\u0259rqind\u0259 olmadan add\u0131mlamaq dem\u0259k deyil, ancaq eyni zamanda da barmaq edilmi\u015f se\u00e7kil\u0259r beyn\u0259lxalq t\u0259zyiqi azaltmaqla v\u0259 m\u00fcxalif\u0259t\u0259 \u015f\u0259kill\u0259ndirm\u0259kl\u0259 idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259ri avtomatik olaraq m\u00fchafiz\u0259 etmir”. Q\u0131sacas\u0131, saxta demokratiya avtoritar rejiml\u0259ri h\u0259m g\u00fccl\u0259ndir\u0259, h\u0259m d\u0259 z\u0259ifl\u0259d\u0259 bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Levitski v\u0259 Vey m\u00fcqayis\u0259vi avtoritarizm bar\u0259d\u0259ki \u00e7oxsayl\u0131 n\u00fcmun\u0259l\u0259ri \u00f6yr\u0259nm\u0259kl\u0259 bu n\u0259tic\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259ldil\u0259r ki, Q\u0259rbin r\u0131\u00e7aqlar\u0131n\u0131n m\u0259hdud oldu\u011fu v\u0259 Q\u0259rbl\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259rin z\u0259if oldu\u011fu \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin ya\u015famaq \u015fanslar\u0131 art\u0131r. Repressiyaya qadir funksional d\u00f6vl\u0259tin m\u00f6vcudlu\u011fu v\u0259 effektli hakim partiyan\u0131n m\u00f6vcudlu\u011fu avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin ya\u015famaq imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131ran dig\u0259r vacib faktorlard\u0131r. He\u00e7 zaman Q\u0259rbin m\u00fcst\u0259ml\u0259k\u0259si olmayan, b\u00f6y\u00fck, n\u00fcv\u0259 silahl\u0131, vahid hakim partiya il\u0259 idar\u0259 olunan v\u0259 t\u0259l\u0259b\u0259l\u0259r \u0259sas meydana ax\u0131\u015fanda onlar\u0131 g\u00fcll\u0259l\u0259m\u0259y\u0259 haz\u0131r olan bel\u0259 \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259ri s\u0131x\u0131\u015fd\u0131rmaq \u00e7\u0259tindir. Ki\u00e7ik v\u0259 z\u0259if, Avropa Birliyinin, yaxud AB\u015e-\u0131n s\u0259rh\u0259dind\u0259 m\u00f6vcud olan, Beyn\u0259lxalq Valyuta Fondunun borclar\u0131na ehtiyac duyan, iqtisadi v\u0259 m\u0259d\u0259ni bax\u0131mdan Q\u0259rbl\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259ri olan, g\u00fccl\u00fc vahid partiyadan m\u0259hrum v\u0259 t\u0259l\u0259b\u0259l\u0259ri g\u00fcll\u0259l\u0259m\u0259k ist\u0259m\u0259y\u0259n v\u0259 yaxud bacarmayan \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 avtoritarlar\u0131n hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259 qalmas\u0131 \u00e7\u0259tin m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259dir.\n<\/p>\n

\n 21-ci \u0259srin avtoritarlar\u0131n\u0131n strategiyalar\u0131n\u0131 v\u0259 ya\u015famaq qabiliyy\u0259ti bar\u0259d\u0259 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 art\u0131rark\u0259n, Levitski v\u0259 Vey bu rejiml\u0259ri s\u0131x\u0131\u015fd\u0131rma\u011f\u0131n n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tin oldu\u011fu sual\u0131yla maraqlanm\u0131rlar. N\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 h\u0259tta qeyri-populyar qeyri-demokratik rejiml\u0259r bir \u00e7ox halda k\u00fctl\u0259vi siyasi etirazlarla \u00fczl\u0259\u015fmirl\u0259r? Demokratiya v\u0259 avtoritarizm aras\u0131ndak\u0131 m\u00fcxalif\u0259t m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259si bar\u0259d\u0259 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u0259rk\u0259n, demokratiya n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259\u00e7il\u0259ri iki f\u0259rziyy\u0259y\u0259 s\u00fcr\u00fckl\u0259nm\u0259kl\u0259 (ki, bunlar b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fcxalif\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259 m\u00f6vcuddur) t\u0259l\u0259y\u0259 d\u00fc\u015f\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r, n\u0259dir bu yanl\u0131\u015f f\u0259rziyy\u0259l\u0259r: birincisi, avtoritar rejim \u00e7\u00f6k\u0259nd\u0259 demokratiya t\u0259bii olaraq he\u00e7 n\u0259d\u0259n ortaya \u00e7\u0131xacaq; ikincisi is\u0259 demokratiyan\u0131n inki\u015faf\u0131 u\u011fursuzlu\u011fa u\u011frayarsa, avtoritar g\u00fccl\u0259r m\u00fctl\u0259q g\u00fcnahland\u0131r\u0131lacaqlar.\n<\/p>\n

\n Paradoksal olaraq, m\u00fcasir avtoritarizmin ya\u015famaq qabiliyy\u0259tini ba\u015fa d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn biz avtoritarizm demokratiyaya qar\u015f\u0131 dixotomiyas\u0131ndan istifad\u0259 etm\u0259kd\u0259 \u00e7ox ehtiyatl\u0131 davranmal\u0131y\u0131q. H\u0259qiq\u0259t budur ki, bug\u00fcn avtoritarizm \u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 demokratiya v\u0259 avtoritarizm aras\u0131ndak\u0131 sahibsiz topraqlarda daha yax\u015f\u0131 c\u00fcc\u0259rir.\n<\/p>\n

\n M\u0259nim ir\u0259li s\u00fcrm\u0259k ist\u0259diyim n\u0259dir? Bu g\u00fcn avtoritar rejiml\u0259r\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fcqavim\u0259tin z\u0259if olmas\u0131 qorxulu faktor olan effektiv repressiyalardan ir\u0259li g\u0259lmir, bu, rejiml\u0259rin m\u0259hz a\u00e7\u0131q olmas\u0131ndan qaynaqlan\u0131r. Demokratik n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259nin \u0259n\u0259n\u0259vi ehtimal\u0131n\u0131n \u0259ksin\u0259 olaraq, s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259ri a\u00e7maq avtoritar rejiml\u0259ri laxlatmaqdansa, daha dayan\u0131ql\u0131 edir. Eyni \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 m\u0259n g\u00f6st\u0259m\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7al\u0131\u015facam ki, yeni avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin qeyri-ideoloji t\u0259bi\u0259ti onlar\u0131n daha k\u00f6vr\u0259k etm\u0259kd\u0259ns\u0259, daha da g\u00fccl\u0259ndir\u0259 bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n \u0130deologiyan\u0131n q\u00fcsuru
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n 1979-cu ilin noyabr\u0131nda “Commentary” jurnal\u0131nda yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u0259\u015fhur “Diktaturalar v\u0259 \u0130kili Standartlar” essesind\u0259 Jan Kirkpatrik ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u00fcrd\u00fc ki, inqilabi ideologiyalar\u0131n b\u00fcn\u00f6vr\u0259sind\u0259 qurulmu\u015f totalitar rejiml\u0259r \u0259n\u0259n\u0259vi avtoritar rejiml\u0259rd\u0259n t\u0259kc\u0259 daha repressiv deyill\u0259r, h\u0259m d\u0259 onlar\u0131n liberalla\u015fmas\u0131, yaxud demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259si daha m\u00fc\u015fk\u00fcl m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259dir. Onun fikrinc\u0259, ideologiya bu rejiml\u0259rin legitimliyi \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00fclvi bir m\u0259nb\u0259dir v\u0259 onlara teokratiyan\u0131n b\u0259zi keyfiyy\u0259tl\u0259rini b\u0259x\u015f edir.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130deologiya h\u0259m\u00e7inin hakim elita aras\u0131ndak\u0131 h\u0259mr\u0259yliyi m\u00fchafiz\u0259 etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn imkanlar yarad\u0131r. Ken Yovittin b\u0259hs etdiyi “d\u00fcz partiya x\u0259tti” demokratik prosedurlar\u0131n Q\u0259rb\u0259 verm\u0259dikl\u0259rini Leninist rejiml\u0259r\u0259 ver\u0259 bildi. Avtokratik rejiml\u0259rd\u0259 qeyri-stabillik \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u0259n t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259li m\u0259nb\u0259 olan v\u0259r\u0259s\u0259lik problemini m\u00f6vcud olan ideologiyadan do\u011fan vahid partiya h\u0259ll edir. Hakim ideologiya siyasi mobill\u0259\u015fm\u0259 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn vasit\u0259 kimi xidm\u0259t edir. Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131n tarixinin g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyi kimi b\u0259z\u0259n onun u\u011frunda \u00f6lm\u0259k, onun alt\u0131nda ya\u015famaqdan daha asan idi. II D\u00fcnya M\u00fcharib\u0259si d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 Sovet xalqlar\u0131n\u0131n q\u0259hr\u0259manl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ideoloji avtoritarizmin n\u0259hay\u0259tsiz g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6zl\u0259r \u00f6n\u00fcn\u0259 s\u0259rirdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130deologiya anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n avtokratik rejiml\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn g\u00fcc m\u0259nb\u0259yi olmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259si Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 Q\u0259rbd\u0259 o q\u0259d\u0259r \u00f6z \u0259ksini tapm\u0131\u015fd\u0131 ki, hans\u0131sa bir n\u0259f\u0259r post-Sovet elitas\u0131n\u0131n kommunist ideologiyas\u0131n\u0131 k\u00f6hn\u0259 rejimin \u0259n z\u0259if c\u0259h\u0259tl\u0259rind\u0259n biri kimi g\u00f6rd\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fc bils\u0259, t\u0259\u0259cc\u00fcb\u0259 qap\u0131lard\u0131. SSR\u0130-nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc avtokratik rejiml\u0259rd\u0259 ideologiyan\u0131n iki istiqam\u0259td\u0259 a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6st\u0259rdi: o, elitalar\u0131n islahat x\u00fclyalar\u0131n\u0131 yeml\u0259yir v\u0259 rejimin opponentl\u0259rin\u0259 el\u0259 bir dil v\u0259 platforma verirdi ki, bir idel\u0131 \u0259sas g\u00f6t\u00fcrm\u0259kl\u0259 rejim\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fcbariz\u0259 aparmalar\u0131na imkan yarans\u0131n.\n<\/p>\n

\n Son 20 ild\u0259 Mixail Qorba\u00e7ovun inqilab\u0131n\u0131n t\u0259bi\u0259ti il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 minl\u0259rl\u0259 kitab yaz\u0131l\u0131b. Lakin m\u0259nim z\u0259nnimc\u0259, Qorba\u00e7ovun islahatlara ba\u015flamas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0259b\u0259bi onun kommunizm\u0259 inam\u0131n\u0131n itm\u0259sind\u0259 deyildi, o sad\u0259c\u0259 h\u0259qiq\u0259t\u0259n q\u0259ti sur\u0259td\u0259 inan\u0131rd\u0131 ki, yaratma\u011fa \u00fcmidl\u0259ndiyi \u0259sl sosializmin Q\u0259rbd\u0259ki demokratik kapitalizmd\u0259n daha \u00fcst\u00fcn oldu\u011funu isbatlayacaq. \u0130dar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259rin yuxar\u0131dan etdiyi islahatlar ad\u0259t\u0259n onlar\u0131n reall\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fczg\u00fcn \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 qavramas\u0131ndan deyil, yanl\u0131\u015f sezgil\u0259rind\u0259n qaynaqlan\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130deologiya elitalar\u0131n bir qisminin islahat\u00e7\u0131 x\u00fclyalar\u0131n\u0131 yeml\u0259yir v\u0259 h\u0259m\u00e7inin m\u00fcxalif\u0259t\u0259 rejim\u0259 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan t\u0259zyiq g\u00f6st\u0259r\u0259 bil\u0259c\u0259yi bar\u0259d\u0259 diskurs verir. Bir qayda olaraq Sovet blokundak\u0131 dissidentl\u0259r bir vaxtlar\u0131n inananlar\u0131 olublar: Marksist rejiml\u0259r\u0259 k\u00f6kl\u00fc sur\u0259td\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 g\u0259lm\u0259zd\u0259n qabaq, onlar ad\u0259t\u0259n bu rejiml\u0259ri el\u0259 Marksizmin diliyl\u0259 t\u0259nqid edirdil\u0259r. Bir kims\u0259 Praqa Bahar\u0131n\u0131n, yaxud Solidarnost h\u0259r\u0259kat\u0131n\u0131n “\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc-m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131ran inqilabi” g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc, bu h\u0259r\u0259katlar\u0131n \u015f\u00fcurlu “dialektik” t\u0259bi\u0259tini d\u0259rk etm\u0259d\u0259n anlaya bilm\u0259z. 1989 inqilablar\u0131 kommunist elitalarla, m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin m\u00fc\u015ft\u0259r\u0259k m\u0259hsulu idi, kommunist elitalar \u00f6z rejiml\u0259rini islah ed\u0259 bil\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259rin\u0259 inanaraq onun \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u0259 t\u00f6hv\u0259 vermi\u015f, m\u00fcxalif\u0259t is\u0259 reall\u0131qda k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc tam qaz\u0131ma\u011f\u0131 arzu etdiyi halda, guya islahat ist\u0259dikl\u0259rini q\u0259l\u0259m\u0259 verm\u0259kl\u0259 rejimin sonuna \u00e7\u0131xm\u0131\u015fd\u0131.\n<\/p>\n

\n \"\"
<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\n Putin rejimin\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131xmaq m\u0259hz o s\u0259b\u0259bd\u0259n \u00e7\u0259tindir ki, onun Kremlin istehsal etdiyi m\u0259nas\u0131z s\u00f6z y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131ndan ba\u015fqa bir ideologiyas\u0131 yoxdur. \u0130ctimai \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259r \u00fczr\u0259 ekspertl\u0259r ideoloq roluna uy\u011fun g\u0259lmirl\u0259r, \u00e7\u00fcnki ideologiya reklam kampaniyas\u0131ndan f\u0259rqli olaraq, m\u00fc\u0259llifl\u0259rin inanmal\u0131 oldu\u011fu bir \u015feydir. Yeni avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin hans\u0131sa real ideologiyaya sahib olmamas\u0131, onlar\u0131n \u00f6zl\u0259rini n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 korporasiya kimi g\u00f6rd\u00fckl\u0259rini izah edir. Hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259 qalmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn onlar ictimai maraq ideyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc qaz\u0131ma\u011fa \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar. Bu konteksd\u0259 bazar\u0131n \u0259sas tutulmas\u0131 yeni avtoritar kapitalizmi sars\u0131tm\u0131r, o h\u0259tta onu g\u00fccl\u0259ndir\u0259 bil\u0259r. \u018fg\u0259r ictimai maraq milyonlarla f\u0259rdin \u00f6z \u015f\u0259xsi maraqlar\u0131ndan ir\u0259li g\u0259l\u0259n, niyy\u0259tind\u0259 olmad\u0131qlar\u0131 n\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259n ba\u015fqa bir \u015fey deyils\u0259, o zaman ictimai maraq xatirin\u0259 edil\u0259n ist\u0259nil\u0259n qurban m\u0259nas\u0131zd\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Yeni avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin hans\u0131sa ideologiyadan m\u0259hrum olmas\u0131 demokratik d\u00fcnyan\u0131n onlar\u0131 s\u0131x\u0131\u015fd\u0131rmaqda niy\u0259 h\u0259v\u0259ssiz oldu\u011funu m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n q\u0259d\u0259r izah edir. Bel\u0259 rejiml\u0259r \u00f6zl\u0259rinin siyasi modell\u0259rini ixrac etm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131rlar v\u0259 buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 t\u0259hdidkar deyill\u0259r. Onlar d\u00fcnyan\u0131 d\u0259yi\u015fdirm\u0259k, yaxud \u00f6zl\u0259rinin sisteml\u0259rini ba\u015fqa \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 t\u0259tbiq etm\u0259k ist\u0259mirl\u0259r. Bel\u0259likl\u0259 d\u0259, m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259nin mehv\u0259ri bu g\u00fcn azad d\u00fcnyan\u0131n avtoritar d\u00fcnyana qar\u015f\u0131 qoyuldu\u011fu dem\u0259k deyil, bu daha \u00e7ox azad d\u00fcnyayla azadl\u0131\u011fa istiqam\u0259tl\u0259n\u0259n d\u00fcnya aras\u0131ndak\u0131 m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259dir.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n A\u00e7\u0131q s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259rin q\u00fcsuru
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130slahatlar\u0131n avtoritarizmi astag\u0259l \u00f6l\u00fcm\u0259, yaxud q\u0259fil \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u0259 d\u00fc\u00e7ar ed\u0259c\u0259yind\u0259n ba\u015fqa, a\u00e7\u0131q s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259rin avtokratiya \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl olaca\u011f\u0131 f\u0259rziyy\u0259si da var. 19-cu \u0259srin ortalar\u0131nda frans\u0131z aristokrat\u0131 Markiz de Kustin \u00f6z m\u00fchafiz\u0259kar ideyalar\u0131na hami tapmaq m\u0259qs\u0259dil\u0259 1839-cu ild\u0259 Rusiyaya getmi\u015f, geriy\u0259 is\u0259 konstitusiyan\u0131n m\u00fcdafi\u0259\u00e7isi kimi qay\u0131tm\u0131\u015fd\u0131, o, art\u0131q deyirdi ki, “Rusiyan\u0131n siyasi sistemi Q\u0259rbi Avropayla 20 il azad \u0259laq\u0259d\u0259 olsa, tab g\u0259tir\u0259 bilm\u0259z”. Onun deyimi bu g\u00fcn art\u0131q \u00fcmumi q\u0259na\u0259tdir – a\u00e7\u0131q s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259r insanlara ba\u015fqa c\u00fcr h\u0259yat t\u0259rzl\u0259rini g\u00f6rm\u0259y\u0259, bunun \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u00fcbariz\u0259 aparma\u011fa v\u0259 bel\u0259likl\u0259, d\u0259yi\u015fiklikl\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn t\u0259l\u0259bkar olma\u011fa h\u0259v\u0259sl\u0259ndirir. A\u00e7\u0131q s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259r h\u0259m\u00e7inin insanlar\u0131n xaricd\u0259n yard\u0131m alma\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da asanla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Ancaq h\u0259qiq\u0259t\u0259nmi a\u00e7\u0131q s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259ri sars\u0131d\u0131r? \u0130osif Stalin buna birm\u0259nal\u0131 olaraq inan\u0131rd\u0131. O, yegan\u0259 g\u00fcnahlar\u0131 Q\u0259rbi v\u0259 M\u0259rk\u0259zi Avropan\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u0259k olan milyonlarla sovet \u0259sg\u0259rini QULAQ-a g\u00f6nd\u0259rmi\u015fdi. Amma Putin Stalin deyil. O, Rusiyan\u0131 insanlar\u0131n s\u0259yah\u0259td\u0259n m\u0259hrum ed\u0259r\u0259k idar\u0259 etmir; o, insanlara s\u0259yah\u0259t etm\u0259y\u0259 imkan ver\u0259r\u0259k idar\u0259 edir. A\u00e7\u0131q s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259r d\u00f6vl\u0259t\u0259 manipulyasiya v\u0259 t\u0259qib etm\u0259kd\u0259 b\u0259zi m\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259r yarad\u0131r, ancaq o h\u0259m d\u0259 rejimin ya\u015famas\u0131na da imkanlar yarad\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n D\u00fcz 40 il bundan qabaq iqtisad\u00e7\u0131 Albert O.Hir\u015fman \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn m\u00f6ht\u0259\u015f\u0259m “T\u0259rk edi\u015f, S\u0259s v\u0259 S\u0259daq\u0259t” kitab\u0131nda Nigeriyada d\u0259mir yollar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fck ma\u015f\u0131nlar\u0131 v\u0259 avtobuslarla r\u0259qab\u0259td\u0259 niy\u0259 pis n\u0259tic\u0259 g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyini izah etmi\u015fdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Haz\u0131r alternativin m\u00f6vcudlu\u011fu d\u0259mir yolu da\u015f\u0131malar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7oxaltmaqdansa, azald\u0131r, \u00e7ox g\u00fcman, d\u0259mir yolunun z\u0259iflikl\u0259ri naz\u0131yla oynan\u0131lma\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zl\u0259m\u0259kd\u0259ns\u0259, m\u00fcbariz\u0259 aparmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u018fg\u0259r y\u00fck ma\u015f\u0131n\u0131 v\u0259 avtobus da\u015f\u0131malar\u0131 m\u00f6vcuddursa v\u0259 \u0259g\u0259r d\u0259mir yollar\u0131 uzun da\u015f\u0131malarda monopoliyan\u0131 \u00f6z \u0259lind\u0259 saxlam\u0131rsa, d\u0259mir yollar\u0131nda meydana g\u0259l\u0259n \u0259ng\u0259ll\u0259r o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 ciddi m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 say\u0131lmayacaq – … administrasiyada v\u0259 idar\u0259\u00e7ilikd\u0259 islahatlar t\u0259l\u0259b ed\u0259n g\u00fccl\u00fc ictimai t\u0259zyiq olmadan, d\u0259mir yolsuz uzun m\u00fcdd\u0259t d\u0259 ke\u00e7inm\u0259k olar. \u018fn yax\u015f\u0131 r\u0259qab\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259li olan n\u0259qliyyat v\u0259 t\u0259hsil sah\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 ictimai t\u0259\u015f\u0259bb\u00fcs\u00fcn uzun m\u00fcdd\u0259t q\u0259rib\u0259 \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 z\u0259if qalmas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0259b\u0259bl\u0259rini… b\u0259lk\u0259 d\u0259 bu, izah edir: t\u0259kmill\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259k, yaxud \u0259n y\u00fcks\u0259k icran\u0131 t\u0259\u015fviq etm\u0259k \u0259v\u0259zin\u0259, ictimai t\u0259\u015f\u0259bb\u00fcs\u00fcn xidm\u0259tl\u0259ri \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn haz\u0131r v\u0259 t\u0259tmin ed\u0259n bir alternativin m\u00f6vcud olmas\u0131, onu sad\u0259c\u0259 yax\u015f\u0131 bir fidbek mexanizmind\u0259n m\u0259hrum edir.\n<\/p>\n

\n Hir\u015fman\u0131n fikrinc\u0259, t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131n istehlak\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131, ya \u00fczvl\u0259ri ald\u0131qlar\u0131 m\u0259hsullar\u0131n, yaxud q\u0259bul etdikl\u0259ri xidm\u0259tl\u0259rin xarabla\u015fmas\u0131na iki c\u00fcr m\u00fcxalif cavab verirl\u0259r. Birincisi, t\u0259rk etm\u0259kdir – sad\u0259 olaraq \u00e7\u0131x\u0131\u015fd\u0131r, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, ba\u015fqa \u015fampun almaq, partiyadan istefa verm\u0259k, yaxud \u00f6lk\u0259ni t\u0259rk etm\u0259k. S\u0259s, bunun t\u0259rsi olaraq, \u015fikay\u0259t etm\u0259k, yaxud etiraz etm\u0259kdir. Hir\u015fman\u0131n g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyi kimi t\u0259rk etm\u0259yin asan olmas\u0131 s\u0259si q\u0131s\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnki t\u0259rk etm\u0259k daha az vaxt v\u0259 \u0259m\u0259l t\u0259l\u0259b edir.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130stehlak\u00e7\u0131ya \u00e7evril\u0259n v\u0259 eyni zamanda kollektiv f\u0259aliyy\u0259tin potensial\u0131ndan \u015f\u00fcbh\u0259li olan orta sinif ruslar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn t\u0259rkedi\u015f daha c\u0259lbedicidir. Rusiyan\u0131n demoqrafik v\u0259ziyy\u0259ti – \u0259hali qocal\u0131r v\u0259 ki\u00e7ilir – v\u0259 Rusiyan\u0131n z\u0259if milli kimliyi, rejimd\u0259n naraz\u0131 olanlar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn t\u0259rkedi\u015fi t\u0259bii bir se\u00e7im edir. Rusiyada t\u0259rk etm\u0259k fikirli orta sinfin m\u00f6vcudlu\u011fu rejimin ya\u015famaq qabiliyy\u0259tinin \u0259sas\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259\u015fkil edir. Bir m\u00fcdd\u0259t \u0259vv\u0259l rus iqtisad\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 Leonid Qriqoryev bildirmi\u015fdi ki, “son on ild\u0259 2 milyon rus demokrat\u0131 \u00f6lk\u0259ni t\u0259rk edib”. Rusiya qeyri-demokratik oldu\u011fu \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn bir k\u0259sin get dey\u0259 s\u0259sl\u0259m\u0259si, Rusiya demokratik olmal\u0131d\u0131r dey\u0259 s\u0259sl\u0259m\u0259kl\u0259 eyni \u015fey deyil.\n<\/p>\n

\n Faktiki olaraq, Hir\u015fman\u0131n Nigeriyan\u0131n d\u0259mir yollar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fck ma\u015f\u0131nlar\u0131 v\u0259 avtobuslarla r\u0259qab\u0259td\u0259 n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 z\u0259if n\u0259tic\u0259 g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyin\u0259 dair izah\u0131, Putin avtoritarizmin\u0259 m\u00fcqavim\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259yin n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tin oldu\u011funu anlamaqda a\u00e7ar rolunu oynaya bil\u0259r. Bu, islahatlar\u0131n u\u011fursuzlu\u011fa u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 v\u0259 Rusiyada islahat\u00e7\u0131 ruhun itirildiyini izah edir. Paradoksal olaraq, s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259rin a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131 v\u0259 xaricd\u0259 i\u015fl\u0259m\u0259k, ya\u015famaq imkan\u0131 siyasi islahatlar\u0131n k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u0259silm\u0259sin\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xard\u0131. Rusiyada d\u00f6vl\u0259tin pis icra\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u0259n \u00e7ox k\u0259d\u0259rl\u0259n\u0259n k\u0259sl\u0259r Rusiyan\u0131 t\u0259rk etm\u0259y\u0259 \u0259n \u00e7ox haz\u0131r olan adamlard\u0131r. \u00d6zl\u0259rinin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6lk\u0259ni t\u0259rk etm\u0259k onlar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn onu islah etm\u0259kd\u0259n daha asand\u0131r. Rusiyan\u0131 Almaniyaya \u00e7evirm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaq n\u0259y\u0259 laz\u0131md\u0131r? Kim qarantiya ver\u0259 bil\u0259r ki, h\u0259yat bu missiyan\u0131 yerin\u0259 yetirm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn yet\u0259rinc\u0259 uzun olacaq? Bir halda ki, \u00e7\u0131x\u0131b getm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn Almaniyan\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fc bir add\u0131ml\u0131q m\u0259saf\u0259d\u0259dir. Sor\u011fular g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, Rusiyan\u0131n orta sinfi xaricd\u0259 i\u015fl\u0259m\u0259yi, Rusiyaya is\u0259 bayramlarda dostlara v\u0259 qohumlara ba\u015f \u00e7\u0259km\u0259yi \u00fcst\u00fcn tutur.\n<\/p>\n

\n 1980-lardak\u0131 islahat\u00e7\u0131 enerji f\u0131\u015fq\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 bu g\u00fcn bel\u0259 enerjinin olmamas\u0131yla m\u00fcqayis\u0259 etdikd\u0259, m\u0259n bel\u0259 bir q\u0259na\u0259t\u0259 g\u0259lir\u0259m ki, qap\u0131lar\u0131 kilidl\u0259m\u0259k Sovetl\u0259ri \u00e7\u00f6kd\u00fcrd\u00fcy\u00fc halda, s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259ri a\u00e7maq Rusiyan\u0131n yeni avtoritarizminin ya\u015famas\u0131na k\u00f6m\u0259k edir. Sovet sistemi v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 ba\u011fl\u0131 ev\u0259 qapatm\u0131\u015fd\u0131. Sistemi d\u0259yi\u015fm\u0259k h\u0259yat\u0131 d\u0259yi\u015fm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn yegan\u0259 yol idi. Dig\u0259r t\u0259r\u0259fd\u0259n is\u0259, Rusiya bu g\u00fcn \u0259m\u0259llic\u0259 Nigeriyan\u0131n d\u0259mir yollar\u0131n\u0131 xat\u0131rlad\u0131r – n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r ki, onun qeyri-effektivliyini \u00f6rt-basd\u0131r ed\u0259n neft pullar\u0131 var, o qeyri-effektiv olmaqda davam ed\u0259c\u0259k. Ruslar\u0131n b\u00f6y\u00fck \u0259ks\u0259riyy\u0259tinin etiraz etm\u0259y\u0259 h\u0259v\u0259ssiz olmalar\u0131n\u0131n s\u0259b\u0259bi qorxu deyil, s\u0259b\u0259b odur ki, \u0259n \u00e7ox narahat olan insanlar art\u0131q ya \u00f6lk\u0259ni t\u0259rk edibl\u0259r, ya da bunu yax\u0131n g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259kd\u0259 etm\u0259yi planla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131rlar, yaxud da ki, onlar sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq internetin virtual reall\u0131\u011f\u0131na k\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcbl\u0259r (Ruslar Q\u0259rbd\u0259ki h\u0259mkarlar\u0131ndan f\u0259rqli olaraq sosial \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 orta hesabla iki d\u0259f\u0259 \u00e7ox vaxt ke\u00e7irirl\u0259r). N\u0259tic\u0259 etibaril\u0259 Rusiyada d\u0259yi\u015fiklik t\u0259l\u0259b ed\u0259n h\u0259lledici insan k\u00fctl\u0259si yoxdur.\n<\/p>\n

\n B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar haraya apar\u0131r? Bunu \u0259vv\u0259ld\u0259n g\u00f6rm\u0259k asan deyil. Amma m\u0259n dey\u0259rdim ki, bu g\u00fcn bizim Rusiyada g\u00f6rd\u00fcy\u00fcm\u00fcz kimi qeyri-funksional avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259yi \u00e7ox g\u00fcman ki, t\u0259n\u0259zz\u00fcll\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259n\u0259c\u0259k, n\u0259inki demokratiya il\u0259. “Putind\u0259n sonra tufan” olmayacaq, “Putind\u0259n sonra pis \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcnt\u00fc” qalacaq.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n Demokratiya Jurnal\u0131 22:2 (2011), 5-16. \u00a9 M\u0259qal\u0259 Johns Hopkins University Press-in icaz\u0259si il\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan dilin\u0259 t\u0259rc\u00fcm\u0259 edil\u0259r\u0259k Meydan.TV sayt\u0131nda yay\u0131mlan\u0131r.
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\u018fg\u0259r Rusiya art\u0131q n\u0259 trend yaradan, n\u0259 d\u0259 intellektual sirr deyils\u0259, b\u0259s onda biz niy\u0259 m\u00fcasir avtoritarizmin ziddiy\u0259tl\u0259rini anlamaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn Rusiyaya fokuslanmal\u0131y\u0131q?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":83932,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_sitemap_exclude":false,"_sitemap_priority":"","_sitemap_frequency":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[51],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-184142","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analitika","infinite-scroll-item","generate-columns","tablet-grid-50","mobile-grid-100","grid-parent","grid-33","no-featured-image-padding"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nYeni avtoritarizmin ziddiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri - MEYDAN.TV<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/yeni-avtoritarizmin-ziddiyyetleri\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"az_AZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Yeni avtoritarizmin ziddiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri - 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