{"id":183727,"date":"2017-04-15T19:36:23","date_gmt":"2017-04-15T19:36:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/article\/inqilabi-rejimlerin-dozumluluyunun-sirri\/"},"modified":"2017-04-15T19:36:23","modified_gmt":"2017-04-15T19:36:23","slug":"inqilabi-rejimlerin-dozumluluyunun-sirri","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/inqilabi-rejimlerin-dozumluluyunun-sirri\/","title":{"rendered":"\u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259rin d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fcn sirri"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n \"\"
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\n Stiven Levitski Harvard Universitetind\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t elml\u0259ri \u00fczr\u0259 professordur.
\n <\/i>\n<\/p>\n

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\n Lukan Vey Toronto Universitetind\u0259 siyas\u0259t elmi \u00fczr\u0259 professordur. \u0130ki professor birlikd\u0259 “R\u0259qab\u0259tli avtoritarizm: Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259d\u0259n sonrak\u0131 hibrid rejiml\u0259r” (2010) kitab\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fc\u0259llifidirl\u0259r. Haz\u0131rda onlar inqilabi rejiml\u0259rin d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcnd\u0259n b\u0259hs ed\u0259n kitab \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 i\u015fl\u0259yirl\u0259r.
\n <\/i>\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259r heyr\u0259tamiz d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fc olurlar. Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131, \u00c7in, Kuba, \u015eimali Koreya v\u0259 Vyetnam kimi \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rin n\u00fcmun\u0259sind\u0259 g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fck ki, tarix\u0259n inqilabi diktaturalar intensiv xarici t\u0259zyiq\u0259, z\u0259if iqtisadi g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259r\u0259 v\u0259 uzunm\u00fcdd\u0259tli siyasi u\u011fursuzluqlara baxmayaraq, onillikl\u0259r boyunca davam g\u0259tir\u0259 bilirl\u0259r. Bel\u0259 rejiml\u0259rin bir \u00e7oxu Q\u0259rb demokratiyalar\u0131n\u0131n xarici siyas\u0259tin\u0259 ciddi v\u0259 inadkar probleml\u0259r yarad\u0131blar. H\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd buna baxmayaraq, siyas\u0259t\u015f\u00fcnaslar bu d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn t\u0259bi\u0259tin\u0259 yax\u015f\u0131 b\u0259l\u0259d deyill\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Samuel Hantinqtonun v\u0259 Teda Skospolun \u0259s\u0259rl\u0259rini \u0259sas tutmaqla, biz inqilabi rejiml\u0259ri – a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan zorak\u0131, ideoloji v\u0259 davaml\u0131 m\u00fcbariz\u0259yl\u0259 ba\u015flay\u0131b peyda olanlar il\u0259; k\u00fctl\u0259vi t\u0259\u015fkilatlanma, d\u00f6vl\u0259t strukturunu v\u0259 m\u00f6vcud ictimai nizam qaydalar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0259yi\u015fm\u0259y\u0259 edil\u0259n \u0259sasl\u0131 c\u0259hdl\u0259r n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 yarananlarla – xarakteriz\u0259 edirik. (\u0130nqilab sonras\u0131 rejiml\u0259r dedikd\u0259 is\u0259 biz Meksikada v\u0259 1960-larda Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131nda oldu\u011fu kimi inqilabi m\u00fcbariz\u0259d\u0259 i\u015ftirak etmi\u015f n\u0259slin n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259l\u0259rinin art\u0131q s\u0131radan \u00e7\u0131xd\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn inqilabi rejiml\u0259ri n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tuturuq). Bizim xarakteristikam\u0131z h\u0259m klassik sosial inqilablar\u0131 (Rusiya, \u0130ran, Meksika, Kuba, \u00c7in kimi) v\u0259 radikal milli-azadl\u0131q m\u00fcbariz\u0259si n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 yaranan rejiml\u0259ri (Anqola, Mozambik, Vyetnam, Zimbabve kimi) \u0259hat\u0259 edir. Bura radikal transformasiya m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259rinin \u0259sas tutulmadan zorak\u0131 m\u00fcst\u0259qillik m\u00fccadil\u0259sinin ba\u015f verdiyi n\u00fcmun\u0259l\u0259r (\u0130ndoneziya), d\u00f6vl\u0259t v\u0259 sosial strukturun toxunulmaz qalaraq geni\u015fmiqyasl\u0131 hakimiyy\u0259t d\u0259yi\u015fikliyinin ba\u015f verdiyi n\u00fcmun\u0259l\u0259r (1986-da Filippin, 2004-d\u0259 Ukrayna, 2011-d\u0259 Misir), yaxud d\u00f6vl\u0259tin yuxar\u0131s\u0131nda dayanan \u015f\u0259xsl\u0259rin t\u0259\u015f\u0259bb\u00fcs\u00fc il\u0259 radikal d\u0259yi\u015fiklikl\u0259rin ba\u015f verdiyi n\u00fcmun\u0259l\u0259r (Misird\u0259 Camal \u018fbd\u00fcl Nasirin, Peruda Xuan Velaskonun, Efiopiyada Mengistu Hayle Maryam\u0131n “yuxar\u0131dan inqilablar\u0131”) daxil deyil.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130st\u0259nil\u0259n halda, inqilabi rejiml\u0259rin (h\u0259m\u00e7inin inqilab sonras\u0131) uzunm\u00fcdd\u0259tli davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 heyr\u0259tamizdir. Ke\u00e7\u0259n \u0259srin \u0259n uzun\u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc avtoritar rejiml\u0259ri Meksika (83 il) daxil olmaqla, SSR\u0130 (74 il), \u00c7in (63 il v\u0259 h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 davam edir), Vyetnam (59 ildir davam edir) v\u0259 Kuba (54 ildir davam edir) zorak\u0131 inqilab n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 do\u011fulublar. \u0130ran k\u00f6rf\u0259zind\u0259ki bir ovuc neftl\u0259 z\u0259ngin monarxiyalar\u0131 saymasaq, m\u00fcasir diktaturalardan \u00e7ox az\u0131 uzun\u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc olub.\n<\/p>\n

\n Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259nin bitm\u0259sind\u0259n b\u0259ri, xarici himay\u0259darlar\u0131n yoxa \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131, beyn\u0259lxalq miqyasda demokratiyan\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u0259mi\u015f s\u0259viyy\u0259d\u0259 t\u0259bli\u011fi v\u0259 iqtisadi b\u00f6hranlar d\u00fcnyadak\u0131 \u0259ks\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259ri sars\u0131d\u0131b. 1989-cu ilin yanvar\u0131nda m\u00f6vcud olan 12 inqilabi rejimd\u0259n 10-u 2013-c\u00fc il\u0259c\u0259n m\u00f6vcudlu\u011funu qoruyub saxlaya bilib, m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 d\u00fcnyadak\u0131 qeyri-inqilabi avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin \u00fc\u00e7d\u0259 biri (82-d\u0259n 29-u) g\u00fccl\u0259 davam g\u0259tir\u0259 bilib. \u018fslind\u0259, Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6km\u0259sind\u0259n sonra inad g\u00f6st\u0259r\u0259n yegan\u0259 kommunist rejiml\u0259rind\u0259n \u00c7in, Kuba, Laos, \u015eimali Koreya v\u0259 Vyetnam inqilabdan yaran\u0131b. Ox\u015far olaraq, Berlin Divar\u0131n\u0131n y\u0131x\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonrak\u0131 24 il \u0259rzind\u0259 Saxara alt\u0131 Afrikan\u0131n m\u00f6vcudlu\u011funu qoruyan avtoritar rejiml\u0259ri aras\u0131nda 3 d\u0259n\u0259si Anqola, Mozambik v\u0259 Zimbabve zorak\u0131 m\u00fcst\u0259qillik m\u00fccadil\u0259si n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 yaran\u0131blar. Yax\u0131n \u015e\u0259rq v\u0259 \u015eimali Afrikada is\u0259 \u018fr\u0259b Bahar\u0131ndan ciddi \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 t\u0259sirl\u0259nm\u0259y\u0259n \u018flc\u0259zair v\u0259 \u0130ran is\u0259 zorak\u0131 m\u00fccadil\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 do\u011fulublar.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u018fks\u0259r inqilabi rejiml\u0259r Post-Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 qeyri-adi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015flara tab g\u0259tirm\u0259li oldular. \u00c7in Kommunist rejimi 1989-dak\u0131 Tyananmen Meydan\u0131 \u00fcsyan\u0131ndan salamat qurtula bildi. Kuba inqilabi rejimi Sovetl\u0259rin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra \u00dcDM-nin 40%-nin itirilm\u0259si bahas\u0131na da olsa, m\u00f6vcudlu\u011funu saxlad\u0131 v\u0259 Fidel Kastro hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259n getdi. \u015eimali Koreya Sovetl\u0259rin \u00e7\u00f6km\u0259sind\u0259n sonrak\u0131 k\u00fctl\u0259vi acl\u0131qdan, h\u0259m\u00e7inin qurucu lider Kim Il Sunqun \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnd\u0259n sonra ya\u015fad\u0131. Anqola v\u0259 Mozambik is\u0259 1980-c\u0131 ill\u0259rin sonunda Sovet himay\u0259darl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fa \u00e7atmas\u0131ndan sonra Afrikada m\u00f6vcudluqlar\u0131n\u0131 qoruyan \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259r oldular. H\u0259r iki \u00f6lk\u0259 da\u011f\u0131d\u0131c\u0131 v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n v\u0259 k\u0259skin iqtisadi b\u00f6hrandan \u00e7\u0131xa bildil\u0259r. Zimbabve Afrika Milli-V\u0259t\u0259np\u0259rv\u0259r Birliyi C\u0259bh\u0259si (ZANU-PF) g\u00fccl\u00fc m\u00fcxalif\u0259t meydan oxumas\u0131na, beyn\u0259lxalq t\u0259dric\u0259, \u00dcDM-in 40%-lik itkisin\u0259 v\u0259 tarixin \u0259n d\u0259h\u015f\u0259tli hiperinfilyasiya burul\u011fanlar\u0131na r\u0259\u011fm\u0259n davam g\u0259tirdi. N\u0259hay\u0259t, \u0130ran \u0130slam rejimi g\u0259rgin beyn\u0259lxalq t\u0259zyiq\u0259, 2009-cu ild\u0259ki saxta se\u00e7kil\u0259rd\u0259n sonra ba\u015f qald\u0131ran k\u00fctl\u0259vi m\u00fcxalif\u0259t etirazlar\u0131na baxmayaraq, toxunulmaz qald\u0131. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, bu inqilabi rejiml\u0259r t\u0259kc\u0259 ya\u015famad\u0131lar, h\u0259m\u00e7inin soyuq m\u00fcharib\u0259nin bitm\u0259sind\u0259n sonra ad\u0259t\u0259n y\u0131x\u0131lan dig\u0259r diktaturalar\u0131n m\u0259ruz qald\u0131\u011f\u0131 probleml\u0259r\u0259 davam g\u0259tirdil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n \u0130nqilabi d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn izah\u0131
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259rin bel\u0259 heyr\u0259tamiz d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u0259b\u0259bi n\u0259dir? Biz iddia edirik ki, inqilabdan sonra d\u00f6vl\u0259t qurmaq v\u0259 radikal sosial d\u0259yi\u015fiklikl\u0259r\u0259 nail olmaqdan \u00f6tr\u00fc apar\u0131lan silahl\u0131 azadl\u0131q m\u00fccadil\u0259si, zorak\u0131 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259l\u0259r geriy\u0259 4 miras qoymaqla avtoritar d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fc q\u00fcvv\u0259tl\u0259ndirir: 1) m\u00fcst\u0259qil g\u00fcc m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259ri da\u011f\u0131d\u0131l\u0131r 2) hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 vahid partiya ba\u015f\u0131l\u0131q edir 3) g\u00fcc strukturlar\u0131 \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 k\u0259skin n\u0259zar\u0259t olur 4) g\u00fccl\u00fc zorak\u0131 qurumlar yarad\u0131l\u0131r. Bu inqilabi miraslar inqilabi rejiml\u0259r\u0259 avtoritar \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn 3 \u0259sas elementi olan – elitadak\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fckl\u0259ri, h\u0259rbi \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259ri v\u0259 k\u00fctl\u0259vi etirazlar\u0131 peyv\u0259ndl\u0259m\u0259y\u0259 k\u00f6m\u0259k edir.\n<\/p>\n

\n 1) M\u00fcst\u0259qil g\u00fcc m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259rinin da\u011f\u0131d\u0131lmas\u0131: dig\u0259r rejim d\u0259yi\u015fiklikl\u0259rind\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, inqilablar \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259 daha b\u00f6y\u00fck zorak\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ehtiva edirl\u0259r. \u0130nqilablar hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 t\u0259kc\u0259 zorak\u0131 vasit\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 g\u0259lmirl\u0259r, h\u0259m\u00e7inin inqilab\u0131 m\u00f6hk\u0259ml\u0259ndirm\u0259k dem\u0259k olar h\u0259r zaman h\u0259rbi m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 m\u00fc\u015fayi\u0259t olunur. \u018fks\u0259r inqilabi h\u00f6kum\u0259tl\u0259r silahl\u0131 \u0259ks-inqilabi h\u0259r\u0259katlarla toqqu\u015fmal\u0131 olurlar, bunlar\u0131n b\u0259zil\u0259ri v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f m\u00fcharib\u0259sin\u0259c\u0259n gedib \u00e7\u0131x\u0131r (Rusiya v\u0259 Mozambik). Bundan ba\u015fqa, Stiven Voltun g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyi kimi, inqilablar \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259raras\u0131 m\u00fcharib\u0259y\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b olmaq ehtimal\u0131n\u0131 k\u0259skin \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 art\u0131r\u0131rlar (Fransada, \u0130randa v\u0259 Vyetnamda oldu\u011fu kimi).\n<\/p>\n

\n M\u00fcharib\u0259l\u0259r inqilabi h\u00f6kum\u0259tl\u0259r\u0259 \u0259ks\u0259r diktaturalar\u0131n ed\u0259 bilm\u0259y\u0259c\u0259yi \u015feyi etm\u0259y\u0259 imkan yarad\u0131r. M\u00fcharib\u0259 t\u0259kc\u0259 t\u0259tikd\u0259ki d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259nl\u0259rin say\u0131n\u0131 azaltma\u011f\u0131 (\u00f6l\u00fcm v\u0259 s\u00fcrg\u00fcnl\u0259) s\u00fcr\u0259tl\u0259ndirmir, o, h\u0259m\u00e7inin \u0259ll\u0259rind\u0259 toplad\u0131qlar\u0131 alternativ g\u00fcc institutlar\u0131 m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259ril\u0259, resurslar\u0131yla v\u0259 yaxud miraslar\u0131yla m\u00fcxalif\u0259ti rejim\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259r etm\u0259k iqtidar\u0131nda olan sosial sinifl\u0259ri m\u0259hv edir (yaxud kifay\u0259t q\u0259d\u0259r z\u0259ifl\u0259dir). Bel\u0259 g\u00fcc m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259rind\u0259n biri k\u00f6hn\u0259 ordudur. \u018fks\u0259r inqilablarda m\u00f6vcud olan ordular ya diktatorun \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u0259n sonra burax\u0131l\u0131blar (Kuba v\u0259 Nikaraqua), yaxud da v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f m\u00fcharib\u0259si n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 da\u011f\u0131d\u0131l\u0131blar (\u00c7in, Meksika v\u0259 Rusiya). \u0130nqilablar h\u0259m d\u0259 \u0259n\u0259n\u0259vi idar\u0259tetm\u0259nin v\u0259 dini institutlar\u0131n ya k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0259sir, ya da z\u0259ifl\u0259dir, \u00e7\u00fcnki onlar\u0131n “simvolik g\u00fcc\u00fc” rejim\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fcxalif\u0259ti birl\u0259\u015fdir\u0259 bil\u0259r. Rusiya, Vyetnam, Laos v\u0259 \u0130randak\u0131 inqilablar m\u00f6vcud monarxiya institutlar\u0131n\u0131 bel\u0259c\u0259 p\u0259r\u0259n-p\u0259r\u0259n salm\u0131\u015fd\u0131. Ox\u015far \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 Kuba v\u0259 Meksika inqilablar\u0131 bu \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 katolik kils\u0259sini z\u0259ifl\u0259tmi\u015f, onillikl\u0259r boyunca onu siyasi c\u0259h\u0259td\u0259n iqtidars\u0131z qoymu\u015fdu. Meksika, Rusiya, \u00c7in v\u0259 Vyetnamdak\u0131 aqrar inqilablar n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 k\u0259ndli \u00fcsyanlar\u0131 v\u0259 \u0259v\u0259zl\u0259yici torpaq islahatlar\u0131 q\u00fcdr\u0259tli aqrar elitalar\u0131 biryolluq m\u0259hv etmi\u015f, n\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259 is\u0259 rejimin davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n artd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131xm\u0131\u015fd\u0131.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u018fn sonda, inqilabdan sonrak\u0131 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259 inqilabi elitaya qanuni don geyindirir v\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259kd\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259t u\u011frunda r\u0259qab\u0259t apara bil\u0259c\u0259k dig\u0259r siyasi t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131n (\u00e7ox vaxt m\u00fctt\u0259fiq) m\u0259hv edilm\u0259sin\u0259 imkan verir. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Rusiyadak\u0131 1918-20-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259ki v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f m\u00fcharib\u0259si Bol\u015fevik h\u00f6kum\u0259tin\u0259 \u0130nqilab\u00e7\u0131 Sosialistl\u0259r (eserl\u0259r – t\u0259rc) daxil olmaqla, r\u0259qib sosialist partiyalar\u0131n k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc qaz\u0131ma\u011fa imkan verdi, o eserl\u0259rin ki, inqilabdan sonrak\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259rd\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn partiyalardan daha \u00e7ox d\u0259st\u0259k alm\u0131\u015fd\u0131lar. \u0130randa 1980-82-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 islam\u00e7\u0131 h\u00f6kum\u0259tin “Mojahedin-e-Xalq” v\u0259 dig\u0259r qiyam\u00e7\u0131 qruplar \u00fcz\u0259rin\u0259 q\u0259ddar y\u00fcr\u00fc\u015f\u00fc dem\u0259k olar ki, b\u00fct\u00fcn effektiv m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin aradan qald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259ndi. Zimbabved\u0259 is\u0259 ZANU-PF h\u00f6kum\u0259ti hakimiyy\u0259ti h\u0259d\u0259l\u0259y\u0259n 1980-c\u0131 ill\u0259rin \u0259vv\u0259lind\u0259ki qiyamdan istifad\u0259 etm\u0259kl\u0259, r\u0259qib Zimbabve Afrika Xalqlar\u0131 Birliyin\u0259 (ZAPU kimi tan\u0131n\u0131r) x\u00fcsusil\u0259 onun istehkam\u0131 olan Matabelelandda q\u0259ddarcas\u0131na divan tutdu.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u018fn\u0259n\u0259vi idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259rin, formala\u015fm\u0131\u015f kils\u0259l\u0259rin, m\u00fclk\u0259dar sinifl\u0259rin v\u0259 dig\u0259r t\u0259\u015fkilatlanm\u0131\u015f siyasi g\u00fccl\u0259rin m\u0259hv edilm\u0259si (\u0259ks\u0259r\u0259n ancaq m\u00fcharib\u0259 kontekstind\u0259 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr) avtoritaritarizmin davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na t\u0259kc\u0259 haz\u0131rki r\u0259qibl\u0259ri deyil, h\u0259m\u00e7inin g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259k m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin struktur bazas\u0131n\u0131 z\u0259ifl\u0259tm\u0259kl\u0259 t\u00f6hf\u0259 verir. Maliyy\u0259nin, infrastukturun, qanuni m\u00f6vcudlu\u011fun m\u00fcst\u0259qil m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rinin yoxlu\u011fu m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin t\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131 bazas\u0131n\u0131n k\u0259skin \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 yoxa \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131na r\u0259vac verir.\n<\/p>\n

\n G\u00fcc\u00fcn alternativ m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259rini da\u011f\u0131tmayan rejiml\u0259rin az davaml\u0131 oldu\u011fu faktd\u0131r. Meksika inqilab\u0131ndan f\u0259rqli olaraq, Boliviya inqilab\u0131 bizim kriteriyam\u0131za ona g\u00f6r\u0259 uy\u011fun g\u0259lmir ki, o, zorak\u0131 m\u00fcbariz\u0259d\u0259 yubanm\u0131\u015fd\u0131. Meksika inqilab\u0131 k\u00f6hn\u0259 ordunu, aqrar elitan\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tm\u0131\u015fd\u0131sa v\u0259 kils\u0259ni 60 il boyunca siyas\u0259td\u0259n k\u0259narda saxlam\u0131\u015fd\u0131sa, 1952-ci ild\u0259 ba\u015flayan Boliviya “inqilab\u0131” (Hantinqtonun m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259 el\u0259diyi kimi) “xeyli dinc hadis\u0259ydi”, o, r\u0259qibl\u0259rin hakimiyy\u0259t u\u011frundak\u0131 m\u00fcbariz\u0259sini z\u0259ifl\u0259tm\u0259y\u0259 m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259q olmam\u0131\u015fd\u0131. Yeni Boliviya h\u00f6kum\u0259ti 1964-c\u00fc il h\u0259rbi \u00e7evrili\u015fiyl\u0259 devrildi. Nikaraqua bir ba\u015fqa ibr\u0259tamiz n\u00fcmun\u0259dir. Sandinista inqilab\u0131 Samoza rejiminin milli m\u00fchafizl\u0259rini m\u0259hv etmi\u015fdi etm\u0259yin\u0259, ancaq inqilabi h\u00f6kum\u0259t – g\u00fccl\u00fc beyn\u0259lxalq t\u0259zyiq alt\u0131nda \u00f6z\u0259l sektor v\u0259 Katolik Kils\u0259 kimi qeyri-inqilabi aktyorlar\u0131 sistemli \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 da\u011f\u0131tma\u011fa c\u0259hd etm\u0259di. Bu aktyorlar is\u0259 m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259r olunmas\u0131nda \u0259sas rolu oynad\u0131lar v\u0259 \u0259n sonda Sandinistalar\u0131 m\u0259\u011flub etdil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n 2) G\u00fccl\u00fc hakim partiyalar: m\u00fcxt\u0259lif ara\u015fd\u0131rmalar s\u00fcbut edir ki, g\u00fccl\u00fc partiyalar avtoritarizmin davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u0259sas a\u00e7ard\u0131r. Hakim partiyalar d\u0259st\u0259yi s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259r edir, s\u0259sini \u00e7atd\u0131r\u0131r v\u0259 \u0259n \u0259sas\u0131 bir qayda olaraq avtoritar \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fl\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259dar olan elitadak\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fckl\u0259ri azald\u0131r. D\u00f6vl\u0259t qullu\u011fundak\u0131 bo\u015fluqlara \u00e7atmaq imkan\u0131 yaratmaqla v\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259k karyera y\u00fcks\u0259li\u015find\u0259 f\u00fcrs\u0259tl\u0259r yaratmaqla hakim partiyalar elitalar\u0131n s\u0259daq\u0259tli olmas\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn t\u0259\u015f\u0259bb\u00fcsl\u0259r yarad\u0131rlar, h\u0259tta onlar q\u0131sam\u00fcdd\u0259tli fraksiya m\u00fcbariz\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 uduzsalar bel\u0259.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bununla bel\u0259, he\u00e7 d\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn avtoritar partiyalar\u0131n ham\u0131s\u0131 ox\u015far deyil. B\u0259zi partiyalar g\u00fccl\u00fcd\u00fcrl\u0259r v\u0259 vahid t\u0259\u015fkilatlar onillikl\u0259r boyunca stabil avtoritarizmin m\u00f6vcudlu\u011funa \u015f\u0259rait yarad\u0131rlar (M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Malayziyada UNMO, \u00c7ind\u0259 v\u0259 Vyetnamda Kommunist Partiyas\u0131), dig\u0259rl\u0259ri is\u0259 post-Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 iqtisadi b\u00f6hranlar n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 da\u011f\u0131l\u0131b gedirl\u0259r. Bir ne\u00e7\u0259 onillik \u00f6nc\u0259 Hantinqton inqilablar\u0131n g\u00fccl\u00fc hakim partiyalar istehsal etdiyini m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259 etmi\u015fdi. \u018fn u\u011furlu liberal partiyalar aktivistl\u0259rin b\u00f6y\u00fck \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n ibar\u0259t g\u00fccl\u00fc k\u00fctl\u0259vi t\u0259\u015fkilatlar yarad\u0131rlar v\u0259 d\u0259st\u0259k\u00e7il\u0259r b\u00fct\u00f6vl\u00fckd\u0259 milli \u0259raziy\u0259 yay\u0131l\u0131rlar. \u018fn vacibi is\u0259 h\u0259rbi m\u00fccadil\u0259 vahid t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131n y\u00fcks\u0259lm\u0259sin\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b olur. Silahl\u0131 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259nin z\u0259rur\u0259tl\u0259ri inqilabi t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131n h\u0259rbi disiplini institutla\u015fd\u0131rmas\u0131na – hakimiyy\u0259tin \u0259l\u0259 ke\u00e7irilm\u0259sind\u0259n sonra \u00e7ox zaman qorunub saxlan\u0131lan xarakterik c\u0259h\u0259t – r\u0259vac verir. Mozambikd\u0259, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Portuqal h\u00f6kmranl\u0131\u011f\u0131na qar\u015f\u0131 Mozambik Azadl\u0131q C\u0259bh\u0259sinin (Frelimo) ba\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q etdiyi zorak\u0131 m\u00fccadil\u0259 “h\u0259rbi \u0259xlaq”\u0131n yaranmas\u0131na s\u0259b\u0259b olmu\u015f v\u0259 bu disiplin 2000-ci ill\u0259r\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r davam g\u0259tirmi\u015fdi. Zimbabved\u0259 1979-cu ild\u0259 gerilla m\u00fcbariz\u0259si sona yets\u0259 d\u0259, “h\u0259rbi komandoluq” ZANU-PF strukturlar\u0131nda k\u00f6k at\u0131b qalm\u0131\u015fd\u0131. Laosda Frans\u0131z v\u0259 AB\u015e-\u0131n d\u0259st\u0259kl\u0259diyi q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 onillikl\u0259rl\u0259 s\u00fcr\u0259n silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadil\u0259 hakim Lao Xalq \u0130nqilabi Partiyas\u0131yla heyratamiz d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 h\u0259mr\u0259ylikl\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259nmi\u015fdi. Rusiyada birliy\u0259 inqilabdan sonrak\u0131 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259yl\u0259 nail olundu. 1917-ci ild\u0259 Bol\u015fevik partiyas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131ralar\u0131nda “anarxiya v\u0259 intizams\u0131zl\u0131q” ba\u015f al\u0131b gedirdi, A\u011flara qar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fcharib\u0259 is\u0259 partiya \u00fczvl\u0259rini inand\u0131rd\u0131 ki, “partiyada h\u0259qiqi polad disiplini… h\u0259yati vacib q\u0259l\u0259b\u0259 \u00e7almaq v\u0259 \u00f6l\u00fcm m\u00fccadil\u0259sind\u0259 qalib g\u0259lm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn yegan\u0259 yoldur”. 1921-ci ild\u0259 art\u0131q “nizam-intizam v\u0259 ita\u0259tkarl\u0131q bol\u015fevik \u015f\u00fcur v\u0259 \u0259xlaq\u0131n\u0131n \u015f\u00fcar\u0131na \u00e7evrilmi\u015fdi”.\n<\/p>\n

\n Zorak\u0131 m\u00fccadil\u0259 h\u0259m\u00e7inin t\u0259r\u0259fke\u015f kimliyini m\u00f6hk\u0259ml\u0259tm\u0259kl\u0259 v\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259fke\u015f s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259rini g\u00fccl\u0259ndirm\u0259kl\u0259 elita aras\u0131ndak\u0131 birliyi g\u00fccl\u0259ndirir. Adrien Lebas\u0131n ir\u0259li s\u00fcrd\u00fcy\u00fc kimi g\u00fccl\u00fc q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 “biz-onlar” f\u0259rqliliyini g\u00fccl\u0259ndirir, qrupdaxili \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259ri g\u00fccl\u0259ndirir v\u0259 partiya kadrlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda “tale birliyi” qavray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n yaranmas\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259\u015fviq edir. Haradak\u0131 kadrlar uzun s\u00fcr\u0259n zorak\u0131 m\u00fccadil\u0259d\u0259 i\u015ftirak edibl\u0259r, onlar partiya \u00fczvl\u0259rini \u0259xlaqi \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259d\u0259 g\u00f6rm\u0259y\u0259 meyillidirl\u0259r v\u0259 onlar b\u0259sit maddi hesablamalar aparmaqdansa, \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn se\u00e7im edir, yaxud ixtilaf anlar\u0131nda s\u0259daq\u0259ti \u00fcst\u00fcn tuturlar.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilabi m\u00fcharib\u0259l\u0259rin do\u011furdu\u011fu q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 \u0259ks\u0259r hallarda post-inqilab d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 d\u0259 inadkarl\u0131q g\u00f6st\u0259rir, partiya daxilind\u0259ki potensial d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u0259ri “t\u0259l\u0259y\u0259 salmaqla” if\u015fa edir. \u018fg\u0259r m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin tarixi d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259nl\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131q ehtimal\u0131 varsa v\u0259 hakim partiyan\u0131 t\u0259rk etm\u0259k s\u0259daq\u0259tsizlik, h\u0259tta satq\u0131nl\u0131q hesab edilirs\u0259, o zaman d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fcy\u00fcn c\u0259zas\u0131 lap a\u011f\u0131r ola bil\u0259r. Buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 1940 v\u0259 1952-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259, 1980-c\u0131 ill\u0259rin \u0259vv\u0259lind\u0259 Nikaraquada, 1980 v\u0259 2008-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 is\u0259 Zimbabved\u0259 ali-profilli d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u0259r bir \u00e7ox liderl\u0259ri v\u0259 aktivistl\u0259ri partiyadan \u00e7\u0131xmaqda onlar\u0131 izl\u0259m\u0259li olduqlar\u0131n\u0131 inand\u0131ra bilm\u0259mi\u015fdil\u0259r.
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\n \u018fn n\u0259hay\u0259t, u\u011furlu azadl\u0131q m\u00fccadil\u0259l\u0259ri b\u00f6y\u00fck legitimlikl\u0259ri v\u0259 sor\u011fu-suals\u0131z avtoritetl\u0259ri olan lider n\u0259sli yeti\u015fdirm\u0259k \u0259zmind\u0259 olur, bu liderl\u0259r is\u0259 b\u00f6hran vaxtlar\u0131nda partiyan\u0131 birl\u0259\u015fdir\u0259 v\u0259 disiplin t\u0259tbiq ed\u0259 bilirl\u0259r. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, \u00c7ind\u0259 Uzun Mar\u015f (1934-35) n\u0259sli 1989 demokratiya u\u011frundak\u0131 etirazlar\u0131n qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 almaq bax\u0131m\u0131ndan h\u0259yati \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tli vahid q\u00fcvv\u0259 kimi ortaya \u00e7\u0131xd\u0131lar. Partiyada inqilab d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259n qalma bir qrup “qocaman” \u00fczvl\u0259r s\u0259rt t\u0259dbirl\u0259ri d\u0259st\u0259kl\u0259dil\u0259r v\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 partiyan\u0131 bu strategiya \u0259traf\u0131nda birl\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259yi laz\u0131m bildil\u0259r. Ox\u015far \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 Yuqoslaviyada Tito v\u0259 II D\u00fcnya m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259 vuru\u015fmu\u015f partizanlar hakim Kommunistl\u0259r Liqas\u0131nda h\u00fcdudsuz hakimiyy\u0259tin kefini \u00e7\u0259kirdil\u0259r, Mozambikd\u0259 is\u0259 azadl\u0131q liderl\u0259ri (antigos combatentes) Frelimoda birl\u0259\u015fm\u0259yi t\u0259\u015fviq etdil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Q\u0131sacas\u0131, inqilablar\u0131n s\u0259b\u0259b oldu\u011fu hakimiyy\u0259t u\u011frundak\u0131 zorak\u0131 m\u00fcst\u0259qillik m\u00fccadil\u0259l\u0259ri v\u0259 q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259l\u0259r h\u0259rbil\u0259\u015fmi\u015f strukturlar\u0131, g\u00fccl\u00fc t\u0259r\u0259fke\u015f kimlikl\u0259ri, qrup daxili s\u0259daq\u0259ti v\u0259 qurucu lider n\u0259slinin \u015f\u0259ksiz legitimliyini \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259 ehtiva ed\u0259n qeyri-adi intizaml\u0131 hakim partiyalar istehsal edir. \u00d6z n\u00f6vb\u0259sind\u0259 bu xarakteristikalar elita daxilind\u0259 d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fck hesab\u0131na daha g\u00fccl\u0259nir. \u018fslind\u0259, Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259d\u0259n sonra, h\u0259dsiz b\u00f6y\u00fck b\u00f6hranlarla \u00fczl\u0259\u015fm\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 baxmayaraq, \u00c7ind\u0259, Kubada, Mozambikd\u0259 v\u0259 Zimbabved\u0259 hakim partiyalar \u00e7ox c\u00fczi d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fck faktlar\u0131na m\u0259ruz qalm\u0131\u015fd\u0131lar. \u00c7ind\u0259 Kommunist Partiya s\u0131ralar\u0131 Tyananmen Meydan\u0131 etirazlar\u0131nda z\u0259rb\u0259 almad\u0131; Mozambikd\u0259 da\u011f\u0131d\u0131c\u0131 v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f m\u00fcharib\u0259sin\u0259 v\u0259 1980-c\u0131 ill\u0259rin ortas\u0131ndak\u0131 iqtisadi \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u0259 baxmayaq, Frelimoda t\u0259k-t\u00fck d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fck hadis\u0259si ba\u015f verdi; Zimbabved\u0259 g\u00fccl\u00fc m\u00fcxalif h\u0259r\u0259kata, saxta se\u00e7kil\u0259r\u0259, g\u00fccl\u00fc beyn\u0259lxalq t\u0259dric\u0259 v\u0259 qeyri-adi iqtisadi \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u0259 r\u0259\u011fm\u0259n ZANU-PF 2000-ci ill\u0259r\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r tab g\u0259tir\u0259 bildi. Bunun \u0259ksin\u0259 olaraq, haradak\u0131 qurucu partiyalar zorak\u0131 m\u00fccadil\u0259d\u0259n (v\u0259 Kenyada, Seneqalda v\u0259 Zambiyada oldu\u011fu kimi n\u0259tic\u0259 etibaril\u0259 himay\u0259darl\u0131q \u0259traf\u0131nda ciddi t\u0259\u015fkilatlanm\u0131\u015fd\u0131lar), iqtisadi b\u00f6hrandan, yaxud \u00e7ox zaman b\u00f6y\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcd\u0259ki d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fckl\u0259 m\u00fc\u015fayi\u0259t olunan m\u00fcxalif\u0259t meydanoxumas\u0131yla \u00fczl\u0259\u015fm\u0259mi\u015fdil\u0259r, bir \u00e7ox hallarda da\u011f\u0131l\u0131b getdil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n 3) D\u00f6vl\u0259t \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259rin\u0259 d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck: \u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259r d\u00f6vl\u0259t \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259rin\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 da inan\u0131lmaz d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 davaml\u0131d\u0131rlar. H\u0259rbi \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259r avtoritarizmin \u00e7\u00f6km\u0259sind\u0259 ba\u015fl\u0131ca rolu oynay\u0131rlar. Milan Svolik kimi elm adamlar\u0131 iddia edirl\u0259r ki, bir \u00e7ox avtokratlar dilemma qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndad\u0131rlar: avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn g\u0259r\u0259kli olan repressiya g\u00fccl\u00fc zorak\u0131 aparat\u0131n yarad\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259l\u0259b edir, \u00f6z n\u00f6vb\u0259sind\u0259 is\u0259 g\u00fccl\u0259ndirilmi\u015f zorak\u0131 aparat\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fc asanl\u0131qla rejimin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn \u0259leyhin\u0259 \u00e7evril\u0259 bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259r dem\u0259k olar, he\u00e7 zaman \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259 \u00fczl\u0259\u015fmirl\u0259r. \u00c7\u00fcnki inqilablar d\u00f6vl\u0259tin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyl\u0259 m\u00fc\u015fayi\u0259t olunurlar, d\u00f6vl\u0259t elitas\u0131n\u0131 yenid\u0259n formala\u015fd\u0131ranlar is\u0259 inqilab elitas\u0131 olur. Bu, ya yeni ordunun yarad\u0131lmas\u0131na, ya da m\u00f6vcud olanlar\u0131n radikal \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 t\u0259mizl\u0259nib rekonstruksiya edilm\u0259sin\u0259 yol a\u00e7\u0131r. N\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259 ordu v\u0259 dig\u0259r t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 dem\u0259k olar ki, h\u0259mi\u015f\u0259 m\u00fcst\u0259qil m\u00fccadil\u0259sin\u0259 r\u0259hb\u0259rlik ed\u0259n v\u0259 inqilab ideologiyas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259 \u0259ks etdir\u0259n liderl\u0259r ba\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q edir. Kubada, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, inqilabi rejim dem\u0259k olar ki, b\u00fct\u00f6vl\u00fckd\u0259 hakim m\u00fclki v\u0259 h\u0259rbi elitalar aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015fd\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015fd\u00fc. Vyetnamda m\u00fclki v\u0259 h\u0259rbi rollar inqilabi m\u00fcbariz\u0259 d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 “bulan\u0131qla\u015fm\u0131\u015fd\u0131” v\u0259 inqilabdan sonrak\u0131 ordu komandirl\u0259ri “istisnas\u0131z olaraq… y\u00fcks\u0259k \u00e7inli partiya liderl\u0259riydi”. Meksikada b\u00fct\u00fcn ali h\u0259rbi v\u0259zif\u0259l\u0259r 1950-ci ill\u0259r\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r inqilabi kimlikl\u0259ri olan zabitl\u0259r t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n tutulmu\u015fdu. \u0130nqilabi Nikaraquada b\u00fct\u00fcn ordu r\u0259smil\u0259ri hakim Sandinista Milli Azadl\u0131q C\u0259bh\u0259si d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 aktiv olan ke\u00e7mi\u015f gerilla komandirl\u0259ri idi. V\u0259 Zimbabved\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 – ordu, polis v\u0259 k\u0259\u015ffiyyat qurumlar\u0131 daxil olmaqla – 2000-ci ill\u0259r\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r azadl\u0131q m\u00fccadil\u0259sind\u0259n ke\u00e7mi\u015f veteranlar ba\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q edirdil\u0259r.<\/p>\n

Bel\u0259likl\u0259, inqilabi ordular h\u0259dsiz t\u0259r\u0259fke\u015f v\u0259 rejim\u0259 s\u0259daq\u0259tli olurlar. Dig\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259rd\u0259ki (M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Misir v\u0259 Tunis) \u00f6z maraqlar\u0131n\u0131 hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259ki m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n liderl\u0259rd\u0259n ayr\u0131 n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 alan h\u0259rbi r\u0259smil\u0259rd\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, inqilabi h\u0259rbi komandirl\u0259r \u00f6zl\u0259rini “inqilabi h\u0259r\u0259kat\u0131n partnyorlar\u0131” kimi g\u00f6r\u00fcrl\u0259r v\u0259 “inqilaba, onun ehkamlar\u0131na sor\u011fu-suals\u0131z s\u0259daq\u0259tli” qalma\u011fa meylli olurlar. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Sandinista h\u0259rbi r\u0259smil\u0259ri “h\u0259qiqi bir missiya duy\u011fusuna malik idil\u0259r”, bu onlar\u0131 “inqilabi siyasi layih\u0259nin… qoruyucular\u0131” kimi q\u0259l\u0259m\u0259 verirdi, \u0130randa is\u0259 \u0130nqilab Ke\u015fik\u00e7il\u0259ri \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc “\u0130nqilab\u0131n safl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259min ed\u0259n vacib s\u00fctun” kimi hiss edirdi. \u00c7ind\u0259 inqilab m\u00fcharib\u0259si d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 ordunun v\u0259 partiyan\u0131n qat\u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 “inqilabi v\u0259 milli \u015f\u00f6vqd\u0259n” ilham alan qar\u0131\u015f\u0131q ordular\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259 ehtiva ed\u0259n g\u00fccl\u00fc komissar sisteminin meydana \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131na r\u0259vac verdi, Vyetnamda is\u0259 ordunun inqilabi k\u00f6kl\u0259ri “partiyaya s\u0259daq\u0259tin h\u0259r \u015feyd\u0259n y\u00fcks\u0259kd\u0259 durmas\u0131n\u0131” t\u0259min edirdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bel\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259fke\u015flik t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 disiplinin v\u0259 h\u0259mr\u0259ylin g\u00fccl\u0259nm\u0259sin\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xar\u0131r. Haradak\u0131 inqilabi q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259r ordunu s\u0131f\u0131rdan t\u0259\u015fkil edir, zabit hey\u0259tini inqilab q\u0259hr\u0259manlar\u0131yla doldurur v\u0259 onlara inqilab ideologiyas\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259lqin edir, bel\u0259 yerl\u0259rd\u0259 t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rinin intizams\u0131l\u0131\u011fa v\u0259 \u00fcsyana c\u0259hd etm\u0259k ehtimal\u0131 olduqca a\u015fa\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130nqilabi h\u00f6kum\u0259tl\u0259r dem\u0259k olar he\u00e7 zaman \u00f6z h\u0259rbi q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n y\u0131x\u0131lm\u0131rlar. 1970-l\u0259rd\u0259 Erik Nordlingerin dediyi kimi, m\u00fclki-h\u0259rbi \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n t\u0259\u015fkil olunmu\u015f he\u00e7 bir “n\u00fcfuz modeli” indiy\u0259c\u0259n \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259 \u00fczl\u0259\u015fm\u0259yib. Ox\u015far \u015f\u0259kild\u0259, t\u0259kc\u0259 1989-cu ild\u0259 Rum\u0131niyada istisna olmaqla (bu rejim zorak\u0131 m\u00fcbariz\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 qurulmam\u0131\u015fd\u0131), he\u00e7 bir kommunist rejimi \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259 devrilm\u0259yib. H\u0259rbi \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259rin avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnd\u0259 \u0259sas rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 alsaq, bel\u0259 qeyri-h\u0259ssasl\u0131q avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda h\u0259yati vacib m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259dir.\n<\/p>\n

\n 4) G\u00fccl\u0259ndirilmi\u015f zorak\u0131l\u0131q potensial\u0131: \u018fn n\u0259hay\u0259t, Skokpolun g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyi kimi, inqilablar g\u00fccl\u00fc zorak\u0131 strukturlar istehsal edir. Yuxar\u0131da g\u00f6st\u0259rildiyi kimi, inqilablar qa\u00e7\u0131lmaz olaraq, \u0259ks-inqilabi m\u00fcqavim\u0259t h\u0259r\u0259katlar\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fulmas\u0131na r\u0259vac verirl\u0259r, onlar is\u0259 \u0259g\u0259r rejim hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 iddia edirs\u0259, m\u00fctl\u0259q d\u0259f edilm\u0259lidir. \u0130nqilablar h\u0259m\u00e7inin tez-tez xarici m\u00fcharib\u0259l\u0259rin ba\u015flamas\u0131na g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xar\u0131rlar, \u0259ks\u0259r\u0259n inqilabi rejimd\u0259n bir t\u0259hdid duyan, yaxud z\u0259iflik an\u0131ndan istifad\u0259 etm\u0259k ist\u0259y\u0259n qon\u015fu \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259r m\u00fcharib\u0259y\u0259 c\u0259lb olunurlar. Bel\u0259 t\u0259hdidl\u0259r inqilabi rejiml\u0259r\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259td\u0259 zorak\u0131 potensial in\u015fa etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn g\u00fccl\u00fc s\u0259b\u0259b olur.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilablar dem\u0259k olar h\u0259r zaman qa\u00e7\u0131lmaz olaraq “polis d\u00f6vl\u0259ti”nin y\u00fcks\u0259li\u015fin\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xar\u0131r. Rusiyada m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f m\u00fcharib\u0259si Bol\u015fevik h\u00f6kum\u0259tini k\u00fctl\u0259vi v\u0259 effektiv siyasi polis, \u00c7eka-n\u0131 (sonradan KQB-y\u0259 \u00e7evrildi) in\u015fa etm\u0259y\u0259 s\u00f6vq etdi. Kubada v\u0259 Nikaraquada t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri inqilabdan sonra on qat art\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Bel\u0259 geni\u015fl\u0259ndirilmi\u015f t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri inqilabi m\u00fccadil\u0259d\u0259n v\u0259 ard\u0131c\u0131l v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f, yaxud xarici m\u00fcharib\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n ke\u00e7mi\u015f eks-komandirl\u0259rin h\u0259rt\u0259r\u0259fli t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259sin\u0259 arxalana bilirl\u0259r. Ke\u00e7mi\u015f \u0259sg\u0259rl\u0259r r\u0259smi olaraq t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259riyl\u0259 (m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, \u0130ran \u0130nqilab Ke\u00e7ik\u00e7il\u0259ri) \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q ed\u0259 v\u0259 yaxud qeyri-r\u0259smi milis kimi (Zimbabved\u0259 “m\u00fcharib\u0259 veteranlar\u0131” ZANU-da birl\u0259\u015fdiyi kimi) t\u0259\u015fkilatlana bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Sayca \u00e7ox olmalar\u0131ndan ba\u015fqa, inqilabi rejiml\u0259rin m\u00fchafiz\u0259 q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri qeyri-inqilabi d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rinkind\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, daha zorak\u0131 potensiala malik olurlar. Bu, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 h\u0259dsiz g\u0259rgin zorak\u0131l\u0131q, yaxud \u00e7ox sayda insan\u0131, tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u015f\u0259xsl\u0259ri, yaxud vacib institutlar\u0131 h\u0259d\u0259f alan a\u015fkar repressiyalarda \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6st\u0259rir. Qeyri-inqilabi d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259 rutin (yaxud az g\u0259rgin) repressiya formalar\u0131ndan (aktivistl\u0259r\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t, t\u0259qib, saxlama v\u0259 t\u0259nqid\u00e7il\u0259rin vergi, korrupsiya ittihamlar\u0131yla, b\u00f6htanla “qanuni” t\u0259qibi kimi) f\u0259rqli olaraq, k\u00fctl\u0259vi etirazlar\u0131n repressiyas\u0131na c\u0259hd daha b\u00f6y\u00fck risk t\u0259l\u0259b edir. Bu, t\u0259kc\u0259 beyn\u0259lxalq t\u0259nqid v\u0259 c\u0259za t\u0259dbirl\u0259rini (b\u0259zi hallarda) t\u0259tikl\u0259mir, h\u0259m\u00e7inin t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rinin \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259ki legitimliyini korlaya, n\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259 daxili intizam\u0131 v\u0259 \u0259xlaq\u0131 sars\u0131da bil\u0259r. T\u0259qib v\u0259 dig\u0259r ictimai c\u0259za t\u0259dbirl\u0259rind\u0259n ehtiyat etdikl\u0259rind\u0259n, h\u0259m t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri, h\u0259m d\u0259 y\u00fcks\u0259k \u00e7inli zabitl\u0259r repressiyalar\u0131n t\u0259tbiq edilm\u0259sin\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131xa bil\u0259rl\u0259r. Bu s\u0259b\u0259bd\u0259n, d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r ad\u0259t\u0259n h\u0259dsiz g\u0259rgin zorak\u0131l\u0131\u011fa getm\u0259kd\u0259 h\u0259v\u0259ssiz olurlar v\u0259 haradak\u0131 bel\u0259 s\u0259r\u0259ncamlar verilir, m\u00fchafiz\u0259 q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri onlar\u0131 t\u0259tbiq etm\u0259kd\u0259n sistemli \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 imtina edirl\u0259r. H\u0259qiq\u0259t\u0259n, bir \u00e7ox avtoritar rejiml\u0259r, h\u00f6kum\u0259tl\u0259rin etirazlar\u0131 ard\u0131c\u0131l v\u0259 davaml\u0131 \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 repressiyaya m\u0259ruz qoymaqda h\u0259v\u0259ssiz davrand\u0131qlar\u0131na, yaxud bacar\u0131qs\u0131z olduqlar\u0131na g\u00f6r\u0259 \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ya\u015fay\u0131blar. \u018fn sonuncu misallar 2000-d\u0259 Serbiya, 2002-d\u0259 v\u0259 2009-da Madaqaskar, 2003-d\u0259 G\u00fcrc\u00fcstan, 2004-d\u0259 Ukrayna, 2005 v\u0259 2010-da Q\u0131r\u011f\u0131z\u0131stan, 2011-d\u0259 Misir v\u0259 Tunis\u0259 aiddir.\n<\/p>\n

\n M\u00fcst\u0259qillik m\u00fccadil\u0259sind\u0259n v\u0259 inqilab sonras\u0131 silahl\u0131 m\u00fcnqa\u015fid\u0259s\u0259n \u00e7\u0131xm\u0131\u015f “polis d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri” is\u0259 tam \u0259skin\u0259, etirazlar\u0131 darmada\u011f\u0131n etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn iki\u0259lli haz\u0131r olurlar. \u0130ll\u0259r uzunu davam ed\u0259n h\u0259rbi m\u00fcbariz\u0259 davaml\u0131 v\u0259 riskli zorak\u0131l\u0131q t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259si olan elita v\u0259 kadr n\u0259slinin y\u00fcks\u0259li\u015fin\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xar\u0131r. Zorak\u0131 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259yl\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259dar olan hakim elitalar s\u0259rt \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u0259rin g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u0259sind\u0259 h\u0259mr\u0259ylik n\u00fcmayi\u015f etdirirl\u0259r, inqilabi elitalara daxil olan t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik r\u0259smil\u0259ri is\u0259 daxild\u0259n v\u0259 xaricd\u0259n g\u0259l\u0259n m\u0259z\u0259mm\u0259tl\u0259rl\u0259 \u00fczl\u0259\u015fs\u0259l\u0259r d\u0259, s\u0259rt repressiyalar\u0131n t\u0259qib edilm\u0259sind\u0259n yana olurlar. D\u00f6vl\u0259t v\u0259 t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 inqilabi ba\u011flar \u0130nqilabi Partiya \u0130nstitutunun (PRI) 1968-ci ild\u0259 Mexikodak\u0131 t\u0259l\u0259b\u0259 h\u0259r\u0259kat\u0131n\u0131 q\u0259ddar repressiyalardan ke\u00e7irm\u0259sini asanla\u015fd\u0131rm\u0131\u015fd\u0131, h\u0259m\u00e7inin \u00c7in Kommunist Partiyas\u0131 (CCR) 1989-cu ild\u0259 Tyananmen Meydan\u0131 etirazlar\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259tin s\u0259rt \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 da\u011f\u0131tmas\u0131na yard\u0131m\u00e7\u0131 oldu. Zimbabved\u0259 ZANU v\u0259 t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 yax\u0131n \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259r m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin 2000, 2002 v\u0259 2008-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259ki etirazlar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015f miqyasl\u0131 polis q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri v\u0259 yar\u0131m-h\u0259rbiyy\u0259 say\u0259sind\u0259 repressiyalara m\u0259ruz qoydu. \u0130randa inqilab sonras\u0131 \u00e7alxalanmalar zaman\u0131 inqilab q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259ri t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n yarad\u0131lan v\u0259 \u0130raqla 8 illik m\u00fcharib\u0259 zaman\u0131 g\u00fccl\u0259ndiril\u0259n \u0130nqilab Ke\u015fik\u00e7il\u0259ri v\u0259 B\u0259sic kimi t\u0259\u015fkilatlar 2009-cu ild\u0259 Ya\u015f\u0131l H\u0259r\u0259kat etirazlar\u0131n\u0131 ard\u0131c\u0131l v\u0259 q\u0259ddar \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 yat\u0131rtmaq \u0259mrl\u0259rini canla-ba\u015fla yerin\u0259 yetirdil\u0259r. Bu, Misir v\u0259 Tunisd\u0259ki hadis\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 daban-dabana zidd idi, bu \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 daha \u00e7ox m\u00fcst\u0259qilliyi olan ordular repressiya g\u00f6st\u0259ri\u015fin\u0259 \u0259m\u0259l etm\u0259kd\u0259n imtina etdil\u0259r v\u0259 \u0259n sonda d\u00f6vl\u0259ti geni\u015f miqyasl\u0131 xalq etirazlar\u0131 il\u0259 t\u0259kba\u015f\u0131na qoydular.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilablar bel\u0259likl\u0259, ad\u0259t\u0259n avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u0259 r\u0259vac ver\u0259n hadis\u0259l\u0259r z\u0259nciri yarad\u0131rlar. Misallar m\u00fcxt\u0259lif c\u00fcrd\u00fcr, ancaq \u0259ks\u0259r u\u011furlu inqilablar, silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadil\u0259l\u0259r zorak\u0131 hakim partiyalar istehsal edirl\u0259r, bu partiyalar hakimiyy\u0259ti \u0259l\u0259 ke\u00e7irir, rekonstruksiya edir v\u0259 zorak\u0131 aparata h\u0259r t\u0259r\u0259fli n\u00fcfuz edirl\u0259r. Bel\u0259 partiya-ordu qat\u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u0259rbi \u00e7evrili\u015fl\u0259rin ba\u015f verm\u0259si ehtimal\u0131n\u0131 k\u0259skin \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 azald\u0131r. Bundan ba\u015fqa, radikal sosial d\u0259yi\u015fiklikl\u0259r g\u0259tirtm\u0259k c\u0259hdl\u0259ri qa\u00e7\u0131lmaz \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 m\u00f6vcud olan sosial maraqlar\u0131 v\u0259 institutlar\u0131 t\u0259hdid edir, \u0259ks-inqilabi h\u0259r\u0259katlar\u0131, v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015f v\u0259 h\u0259tta \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259raras\u0131 m\u00fcharib\u0259ni t\u0259tikl\u0259yir. B\u0259zi inqilabi rejiml\u0259r (Kamboca v\u0259 Nikaraqua) bel\u0259 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 tab g\u0259tir\u0259 bilmirl\u0259r, amma haradak\u0131 tab g\u0259tirirl\u0259r, o zaman inqilab sonras\u0131 zorak\u0131l\u0131q m\u00fcst\u0259qil g\u00fcc m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259rinin da\u011f\u0131d\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fccl\u0259ndirir v\u0259 daha geni\u015f, daha g\u00fccl\u00fc zorak\u0131 qurumlar\u0131n y\u00fcks\u0259li\u015fin\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b olur. Bu c\u00fcr gedi\u015fat m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin potensial\u0131n\u0131 m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131ra v\u0259 onun s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259yliyini on ill\u0259rl\u0259 geriy\u0259 ata bil\u0259r. \u0130nqilab sonras\u0131 zorak\u0131l\u0131q h\u0259m\u00e7inin q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259ni g\u00fccl\u0259ndirir v\u0259 partiyadaxili h\u0259mr\u0259yliyi g\u00fccl\u0259ndirir ki, bu da n\u0259tic\u0259 etibaril\u0259 rejimi t\u0259hdid ed\u0259n d\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fck ehtimal\u0131n\u0131 azald\u0131r. N\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259, inqilabi rejiml\u0259r m\u00fcasir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u0259n d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fc v\u0259 uzun\u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc avtoritar rejiml\u0259ri aras\u0131nda qalmaqdad\u0131rlar.\n<\/p>\n

\n Ancaq Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc d\u0259 g\u00f6st\u0259rdi ki, inqilabi miraslar \u0259b\u0259di deyil. \u0130nqilabi miras\u0131n b\u0259zi elementl\u0259ri, hakim partiya v\u0259 g\u00fccl\u00fc, s\u0259daq\u0259tl\u0131 zorak\u0131 aparatlar institutlar\u0131 kifay\u0259t q\u0259d\u0259r d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fc olsalar da, dig\u0259rl\u0259ri, zaman \u0259rzind\u0259 deqradasiyaya m\u0259ruz qal\u0131rlar, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 inqilabi n\u0259sil (inqilabi m\u00fccadil\u0259d\u0259 birba\u015fa i\u015ftirak ed\u0259nl\u0259r v\u0259 ona r\u0259hb\u0259rlik ed\u0259n f\u0259rdl\u0259r) yox olub ged\u0259nd\u0259n sonra. \u018fks\u0259r inqilabi partiyalar\u0131 xarakteriz\u0259 ed\u0259n qeyri-adi h\u0259mr\u0259ylik n\u0259sil d\u0259yi\u015fikliyind\u0259n sonra t\u0259n\u0259zz\u00fcl\u0259 u\u011fray\u0131r. T\u0259r\u0259fke\u015flik identikliyi z\u0259ifl\u0259y\u0259nd\u0259n, ideoloji ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131q t\u0259dric\u0259n aradan qalxandan v\u0259 qurucu n\u0259sil s\u0131radan \u00e7\u0131xandan sonra, inqilabi partiyalar hakim partiya “ma\u015f\u0131nlar\u0131na” do\u011fru t\u0259dric\u0259n “normalla\u015f\u0131rlar”. \u018fks\u0259r oturu\u015fmu\u015f partiya ma\u015f\u0131nlar\u0131nda korrupsiya v\u0259 ki\u00e7ik par\u00e7alanmalar daha a\u00e7\u0131q v\u0259 geni\u015f miyas al\u0131r. Bu c\u00fcr n\u0259sil d\u0259yi\u015fiklikl\u0259ri 1960-lardan etibar\u0259n Meksikada v\u0259 Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131q \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 ba\u015f verdi, \u00c7ind\u0259 v\u0259 Vyetnamda bu 1990-larda ba\u015f verdi, tezlikl\u0259 is\u0259 Kubada ba\u015f ver\u0259c\u0259k.\n<\/p>\n

\n N\u0259 zamank\u0131 ambisiya v\u0259 patronajl\u0131q elitar h\u0259mr\u0259yliyin s\u00fctununu t\u0259\u015fkil ed\u0259n \u00fcmumi identikliyi v\u0259 ideologiyan\u0131 \u0259v\u0259z edir, inqilabi partiyalar\u0131n m\u00fcdafi\u0259 mexanizml\u0259ri daha da h\u0259ssasla\u015f\u0131r. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Meksikada h\u0259dsiz vahid partiya olan PR\u0130 1940 v\u0259 1980-lar\u0131n ortalar\u0131 aras\u0131nda bir ne\u00e7\u0259 \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tli qopma ya\u015fad\u0131, 1988-d\u0259 sars\u0131d\u0131c\u0131 t\u0259friq\u0259yl\u0259 \u00fczl\u0259\u015fdi, 2000-ci ild\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259ti itirm\u0259zd\u0259n \u0259vv\u0259l is\u0259 n\u00f6vb\u0259ti dezertirlik hallar\u0131 ba\u015f verdi. Ox\u015far \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 Tayvanda Kuomintanq intizaml\u0131 yar\u0131m-leninist partiyadan klientelist bir ma\u015f\u0131na transformasiya olundu v\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259 1990-lardak\u0131 sars\u0131d\u0131c\u0131 t\u0259friq\u0259l\u0259r n\u0259tic\u0259sin\u0259 t\u0259l\u0259y\u0259 d\u00fc\u015fd\u00fc.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilabi n\u0259slin yox olmas\u0131 h\u0259m\u00e7inin rejiml\u0259rin zorak\u0131l\u0131q potensial\u0131na, x\u00fcsus\u0259n onlar\u0131 sars\u0131d\u0131c\u0131 repressiyalar t\u0259tbiq etm\u0259k qabiliyy\u0259tin\u0259 d\u0259 t\u0259sir edir. Sonrak\u0131 n\u0259sill\u0259r b\u00f6hran zamanlar\u0131nda bir qayda olaraq h\u0259mr\u0259ylik yaratmaq legitimliyind\u0259n m\u0259hrum olurlar, onlarda h\u0259m\u00e7inin s\u0259rt repressiya aparmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259, \u00f6z\u00fcn\u0259-inam v\u0259 ideoloji ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131q \u0259skik olur. Sovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131nda inqilabi zorak\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n a\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131 g\u00f6z qaba\u011f\u0131nda idi, 1960-lar\u0131n \u0259vv\u0259lind\u0259n etibar\u0259n s\u0259rt repressiyalar b\u00f6y\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcd\u0259 yoxa \u00e7\u0131x\u0131rd\u0131, 1990-lar\u0131n \u0259vv\u0259lind\u0259 is\u0259 bunu t\u0259tbiq etm\u0259yin \u00e7ox \u00e7\u0259tin oldu\u011fu \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00fcbut etmi\u015f oldu. Ox\u015far \u015f\u0259kild\u0259, m\u00fcasir \u00c7in d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin b\u00f6y\u00fck bir t\u0259hdid olaca\u011f\u0131 t\u0259qdird\u0259, s\u0259rt repressiyalara \u0259l ataca\u011f\u0131 ayd\u0131n deyil, halbuki Den Xiaopinq v\u0259 dig\u0259r inqilabi fiqurlar\u0131n h\u0259l\u0259 s\u0259hn\u0259d\u0259 oldu\u011fu 1989-cu ill\u0259rd\u0259 s\u0259rt repressiyalara gedilmi\u015fdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n Stabillik axtar\u0131\u015f\u0131
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilibi n\u0259slin s\u0131radan \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131ndan sonra, inqilabi rejiml\u0259r stabillik \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn yeni alternativl\u0259r tapma\u011fa m\u0259cburdurlar. Bu ke\u00e7idin m\u0259rk\u0259zind\u0259 liderlik v\u0259r\u0259s\u0259liyi mexanizml\u0259rinin institutla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n t\u0259\u015f\u0259kk\u00fcl tapmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, Meksikada \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc tapm\u0131\u015fd\u0131 (\u0259n az\u0131ndan 1990-larda) v\u0259 indi ola bilsin, \u00c7ind\u0259, Vyetnamda v\u0259 Mozambikd\u0259 ba\u015f tutacaq. (Kuba inqilabi bu preses\u0259 2000-l\u0259rd\u0259 ba\u015flay\u0131b, ancaq n\u0259tic\u0259nin nec\u0259 olaca\u011f\u0131 qeyri-m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259ndir.) Bunun \u0259ksin\u0259, Zimbabved\u0259ki rejim liderlik v\u0259r\u0259s\u0259liyini institutla\u015fd\u0131rmay\u0131b, Muqabenin siyasi s\u0259hn\u0259d\u0259n yax\u0131nla\u015fan gedi\u015fi rejimin stabilliyin\u0259 a\u00e7\u0131q bir t\u0259hdiddir.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilab sonras\u0131 rejimin stabilliyinin dig\u0259r \u0259sas s\u00fctunu iqtisadi art\u0131md\u0131r. N\u0259 zamanki qurucu n\u0259sil m\u00f6vcuddur, bir \u00e7ox inqilabi rejiml\u0259r olduqca pis v\u0259 h\u0259tta b\u0259zi hallarda faci\u0259vi iqtisadi g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259r\u0259 tab g\u0259tirirl\u0259r. N\u0259sil d\u0259yi\u015fdikd\u0259, iqtisadi g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259r h\u0259yati \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259t da\u015f\u0131ma\u011fa ba\u015flay\u0131r. Sovet ittifaq\u0131nda 1960-larda inqilab sonras\u0131 n\u0259slin liderl\u0259rl\u0259ri istehlak mallar\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259chiz etm\u0259y\u0259 k\u00f6kl\u0259ndil\u0259r. Ox\u015far \u015f\u0259kild\u0259, davaml\u0131 inki\u015faf 1990-lar v\u0259 2000-l\u0259rd\u0259 \u00c7ind\u0259 v\u0259 Vyetnamda stabilliy\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b oldu, ox\u015far hal Laosda ba\u015f ver\u0259 bil\u0259r. Meksikada PR\u0130 1980-lar v\u0259 1990-larda eyni c\u00fcr iqtisadi u\u011furlara m\u00fcvv\u0259ff\u0259q ola bilm\u0259di. \u0130qtisadi art\u0131m Kastro sonras\u0131 Kubada v\u0259 Muqabe sonras\u0131 Zimbabved\u0259 \u0259sas \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015flar olacaq.\n<\/p>\n

\n Birlik \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn dig\u0259r alternativ – v\u0259 olduqca riskli – yenil\u0259n\u0259n m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259dir. Soyuq M\u00fcharib\u0259 sonras\u0131nda AB\u015e-la davam ed\u0259n m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259 dem\u0259k olar ki, birm\u0259nal\u0131 \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 Kubada v\u0259 \u0130randa rejim daxilind\u0259ki h\u0259mr\u0259yliyi g\u00fccl\u0259ndirdi. Eyni c\u00fcr, \u015eimali Koreyan\u0131n 1990-larda v\u0259 2000-l\u0259rd\u0259 aqressiv n\u00fcv\u0259 g\u00fcc g\u00f6st\u0259ri\u015fi, rejimin qurucu n\u0259slinin yox olmas\u0131yla m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259 atmosferi m\u00fchiti yaratmaq c\u0259hdi kimi izah oluna bil\u0259r. Konflikt yaratmaq (yaxud q\u0131z\u0131\u015fd\u0131rmaq) c\u0259hdl\u0259ri faci\u0259vi n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 d\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xara bil\u0259r. Zimbabved\u0259 misal \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn, 2000-l\u0259rd\u0259ki g\u0259rgin q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 v\u0259 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259 – ZANU h\u00f6kum\u0259ti bunu a\u011fd\u0259rli m\u00fchacirl\u0259r\u0259 v\u0259 Britaniya m\u00fcst\u0259ml\u0259k\u0259\u00e7iliyin\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadil\u0259 adland\u0131r\u0131rd\u0131 – ola bilsin elita aras\u0131nda birliyi g\u00fccl\u0259ndirdi, ancaq bu geni\u015f miqyasl\u0131 zorak\u0131l\u0131qlara v\u0259 iqtisadi f\u0259lak\u0259t\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xard\u0131. Yuqoslaviyada Partizanlar etnik partikularizm\u0259 \u00fcst\u00fcn g\u0259lm\u0259k v\u0259 Stalinl\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131durmada ayaq\u00fcst\u0259 qalmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn olduqca vahid partiya yaratm\u0131\u015fd\u0131lar, lakin inqilabi birlik m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n m\u0259hrum olan ikinci n\u0259sil liderl\u0259ri mill\u0259t\u00e7i m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259ni k\u00f6r\u00fckl\u0259m\u0259kl\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259ti saxlad\u0131lar, ancaq son n\u0259tic\u0259 faci\u0259vi oldu.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nqilablar b\u00f6y\u00fck zorak\u0131l\u0131qlarla v\u0259 bir \u00e7ox hallarda m\u00fcharib\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 m\u00fc\u015fayi\u0259t olunan nadir hadis\u0259l\u0259rdir. \u0130nqilabi zorak\u0131l\u0131q insan h\u0259yatlar\u0131n\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tmaq m\u0259nas\u0131nda \u00e7ox f\u0259lak\u0259tli olsalar da, onlar heyratamiz d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 sa\u011flam rejim institutlar\u0131 yarad\u0131rlar. Bu institutlar inqilabi rejiml\u0259r\u0259 bir \u00e7ox probleml\u0259r\u0259 – iqtisadi b\u00f6hranlara, geni\u015fmiqyasl\u0131 m\u00fcxalif etirazlara, xarici himay\u0259\u00e7inin q\u0259fil aradan \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131na – sin\u0259 g\u0259r\u0259 bilirl\u0259r, halbuki bu probleml\u0259r bir \u00e7ox avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin ax\u0131r\u0131na \u00e7\u0131x\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u018fg\u0259r d\u00fczd\u00fcrs\u0259, bizim arqumentimizin \u00e7ox \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tli n\u0259z\u0259ri v\u0259 siyasi m\u0259nalar\u0131 var. Birincisi, bizim tap\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, he\u00e7 d\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn avtoritar institutlar ox\u015far deyill\u0259r. Onlar bir-birin\u0259 b\u0259nz\u0259r g\u00f6r\u00fcns\u0259l\u0259r d\u0259, inqilabi m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259d\u0259n \u00e7\u0131xan hakim partiyalar dig\u0259rl\u0259rind\u0259n f\u0259rqli f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rirl\u0259r. Endryu Consun \u015e\u0259rqi Avropa kommunist rejiml\u0259ri haqq\u0131nda yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kimi “Partiya sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq b\u0259d\u0259ndir, “\u00fcr\u0259k” is\u0259 h\u0259mr\u0259yliyin, m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259rin v\u0259 \u015f\u0259xsiyy\u0259tl\u0259rin birl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 yeridir. Bu \u00fcr\u0259k olmadan b\u0259d\u0259n rollardan, prisipl\u0259rd\u0259n v\u0259 t\u0259\u015fkilati x\u0259rit\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n ibar\u0259t bo\u015f bir qutu olar”. Avtoritar t\u0259sisatlar\u0131 elitan\u0131n se\u00e7imi, yaxud strategiyas\u0131 kimi g\u00f6st\u0259r\u0259n diktatorluqlar bar\u0259d\u0259ki m\u00fcasir bir \u00e7ox n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, inqilabi rejimin davaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fctunu olan institutlar – vahid hakim partiyalar, t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 c\u0259m olmu\u015f t\u0259r\u0259fke\u015flik, intizaml\u0131 v\u0259 effektiv vahid strukturlar – m\u00f6vcud ambisiyal\u0131 avtokratlar\u0131 irad\u0259sin\u0259 tabe ola bilm\u0259z. U\u011furlu avtokratlar bel\u0259 institutlar\u0131 ya miras al\u0131rlar, yaxud m\u00f6vcud \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259r alt\u0131nda (d\u00f6vl\u0259tin y\u0131x\u0131lmas\u0131 v\u0259 uzun s\u00fcr\u0259n zorak\u0131 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259 kimi) onlar\u0131 in\u015fa edirl\u0259r v\u0259 onlar\u0131n bu institutlar \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259ti m\u0259hdud zaman\u0131 \u0259hat\u0259 edir. \u0130nki\u015faf etm\u0259kd\u0259 olan \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259ki Leninist hakim partiyalar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn yuxar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya idar\u0259\u00e7ilik modelin\u0259 \u00e7evril\u0259n Leninin bol\u015fevik partiyas\u0131 bel\u0259 yaln\u0131z uzun \u00e7\u0259k\u0259n zorak\u0131 m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 nizam-intizaml\u0131 “Leninist” partiyaya \u00e7evrilmi\u015fdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Siyasi kurs m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sin\u0259 g\u0259ldikd\u0259, Kuba, \u0130ran, \u015eimali Koreya v\u0259 Vyetnamdak\u0131 inqilabi rejiml\u0259r 20-ci \u0259srin sonlar\u0131nda v\u0259 21-ci \u0259srin \u0259vv\u0259ll\u0259rind\u0259 AB\u015e v\u0259 onun m\u00fctt\u0259fiql\u0259rinin xarici siyas\u0259ti \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u0259n davaml\u0131 probleml\u0259r kimi g\u00f6z\u0259 batd\u0131lar. Bu rejiml\u0259rin d\u00f6rd\u00fc d\u0259 onillikl\u0259rl\u0259 \u00e7\u0259k\u0259n t\u0259cridetm\u0259 v\u0259 sars\u0131tma siyas\u0259tin\u0259 qeyri-adi \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 tab g\u0259tirdil\u0259r. \u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259rin niy\u0259 bu q\u0259d\u0259r d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fc olduqlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0259rk etm\u0259k, siyas\u0259t\u00e7il\u0259r\u0259 bu rejiml\u0259rl\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 daha m\u0259hsuldar yana\u015fmalar t\u0259tbiq etm\u0259y\u0259 imkan ver\u0259 bil\u0259r. \u018fn vacibi, bizim tap\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z onu g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, g\u0259rgin toqqu\u015fma strategiyalar\u0131 q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259ni g\u00fccl\u0259ndirm\u0259k v\u0259 bel\u0259likl\u0259, inqilabi h\u0259mr\u0259yliy\u0259 r\u0259vac verm\u0259k – inqilabi v\u0259 inqilabsonras\u0131 rejiml\u0259rin el\u0259 m\u0259hz m\u00f6vcud olmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn ehtiyac duyduqlar\u0131 \u015feyl\u0259rdir.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n Demokratiya Jurnal\u0131 24:3 (2013), 5-17. \u00a9 M\u0259qal\u0259 Johns Hopkins University Press-in icaz\u0259si il\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan dilin\u0259 t\u0259rc\u00fcm\u0259 edil\u0259r\u0259k Meydan.tv sayt\u0131nda yay\u0131mlan\u0131r.
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\u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259rin bel\u0259 heyr\u0259tamiz d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u0259b\u0259bi n\u0259dir?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":82714,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_sitemap_exclude":false,"_sitemap_priority":"","_sitemap_frequency":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[51],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-183727","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analitika","infinite-scroll-item","generate-columns","tablet-grid-50","mobile-grid-100","grid-parent","grid-33","no-featured-image-padding"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\n\u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259rin d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fcn sirri - MEYDAN.TV<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/inqilabi-rejimlerin-dozumluluyunun-sirri\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"az_AZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"\u0130nqilabi rejiml\u0259rin d\u00f6z\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fcn sirri - 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