{"id":183208,"date":"2017-03-15T20:21:54","date_gmt":"2017-03-15T20:21:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/article\/cin-ve-serqi-asiya-demokratiyasi\/"},"modified":"2017-03-15T20:21:54","modified_gmt":"2017-03-15T20:21:54","slug":"cin-ve-serqi-asiya-demokratiyasi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/cin-ve-serqi-asiya-demokratiyasi\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7in v\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya demokratiyas\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n Tarixin qanunauy\u011funluqlar\u0131
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\n Frensis Fukuyama
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\n Bu esse sad\u0259 bir \u00f6n s\u00f6zl\u0259 ba\u015flay\u0131r. \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada demokratiyan\u0131n mahiyy\u0259tini d\u0259rk etm\u0259kd\u0259n \u00f6tr\u00fc biz oradak\u0131 avtoritar hakimiyy\u0259tin mahiyy\u0259tini \u0259xz etm\u0259liyik. Regionda demokratiyan\u0131n haz\u0131rk\u0131 probleml\u0259ri v\u0259 onun g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259k \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015flara cavab verm\u0259k qabiliyy\u0259ti, regionun s\u00fcr\u0259tl\u0259 b\u00f6y\u00fcy\u0259n \u0259n b\u00f6y\u00fck oyun\u00e7usu v\u0259 nisb\u0259t\u0259n u\u011furlu avtoritar rejimi olan \u00c7in kontekstind\u0259n k\u0259narda ba\u015fa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcl\u0259 bilm\u0259z. Bu essed\u0259 m\u0259n bu \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131 xarici siyas\u0259t m\u0259nas\u0131nda n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutmuram, baxmayaraq ki, y\u00fcks\u0259l\u0259n \u00c7inl\u0259 yola getm\u0259yin beyn\u0259lxalq sistem \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn ciddi ba\u015fa\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zl\u0259yir\u0259m. Bu essed\u0259 sual daha \u00e7ox inki\u015faf modell\u0259ri \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259dir. Burada \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya demokratiyas\u0131, Afrika v\u0259 M\u0259rk\u0259zi \u015e\u0259rqin avtoritar rejiml\u0259rind\u0259ns\u0259, \u00c7inl\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259 edil\u0259c\u0259k. M\u0259hz buna g\u00f6r\u0259, biz h\u0259m g\u00fccl\u00fc, h\u0259m d\u0259 z\u0259if t\u0259r\u0259fl\u0259ril\u0259 birg\u0259 \u00c7in modelini Yaponiya, Koreya, Tayvan v\u0259 dig\u0259r \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259ki demokratiyan\u0131n g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259yi n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n m\u00fczakir\u0259 ed\u0259c\u0259yik.\n<\/p>\n

\n M\u00fcqayis\u0259li siyas\u0259t elmi, avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin m\u00fcxt\u0259lif formalar\u0131n\u0131 kateqoriyala\u015fd\u0131rmaq v\u0259 d\u0259rk etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn adekvat konseptual \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259 kimi inki\u015faf etm\u0259yib, halbuki m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 demokratik rejiml\u0259rin sinifl\u0259\u015fdirilm\u0259si \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn daha z\u0259ngin l\u00fc\u011f\u0259t var. Ba\u015fqa s\u00f6zl\u0259 des\u0259k, biz h\u00fcquq v\u0259 hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q (accauntability) institutlar\u0131ndan m\u0259hrum d\u00f6vl\u0259ti t\u0259svir etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn uy\u011fun dild\u0259n m\u0259hrumuq. Buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 biz bu bo\u015flu\u011fu doldurma\u011fa v\u0259\u00a0 regionun tarix\u0259n ke\u00e7diyi inki\u015faf m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259n adlayaraq ortaya \u00e7\u0131xan \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259rinin m\u0259\u011fzini a\u00e7ma\u011fa ehtiyac duyuruq. Regiondak\u0131 v\u0259 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n h\u0259r yan\u0131ndak\u0131 demokratiyalar aras\u0131nda ox\u015farl\u0131qlar n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r \u00e7oxdursa, Asiyada demokratiyalar v\u0259 qeyri-demokratiyalar aras\u0131ndak\u0131 ox\u015farl\u0131qlar da el\u0259c\u0259 \u00e7oxdur. Bu is\u0259 b\u00f6lg\u0259d\u0259 demokratik inki\u015faf\u0131n g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259yi bax\u0131m\u0131ndan h\u0259m bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck, h\u0259m d\u0259 bir \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015fd\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyan\u0131n \u0259sas \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259ri \u00c7in (h\u0259m \u00c7in Xalq Respublikas\u0131, h\u0259m Tayvan), Yaponiya v\u0259 Koreya \u00f6z tarixl\u0259rinin erk\u0259n m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259 nisb\u0259t\u0259n y\u00fcks\u0259k keyfiyy\u0259tli, m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259\u015fdirilmi\u015f b\u00fcrokratiyas\u0131 olan d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r qurmu\u015f v\u0259 etnik dominant \u0259hali \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 vahid milli kimliyi nisb\u0259t\u0259n m\u00f6hk\u0259ml\u0259tmi\u015fdil\u0259r. H\u0259r\u00e7\u0259nd onlar\u0131n h\u0259r biri buna d\u00f6vl\u0259t hakimiyy\u0259tin\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t v\u0259 t\u0259fti\u015fi h\u0259yata ke\u00e7ir\u0259n qanun v\u0259 hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q institutlar\u0131n\u0131 inki\u015faf etdirm\u0259zd\u0259n \u0259srl\u0259r \u0259vv\u0259l nail olmu\u015fdlar. “Siyasi Nizam\u0131n T\u0259m\u0259ll\u0259ri” kitab\u0131nda ir\u0259li s\u00fcrd\u00fcy\u00fcm kimi, Veber terminologiyas\u0131 n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n –\u00a0 q\u0259r\u0259zsiz i\u015f\u0259q\u0259bul prosesi, meritokratik b\u00fcrokratiya, vahid administrasiya v\u0259 s. x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259r bax\u0131m\u0131ndan – m\u00fcasir d\u00f6vl\u0259ti inki\u015faf etdir\u0259n ilk c\u0259miyy\u0259t \u00c7in c\u0259miyy\u0259ti idi – o, buna b.e.\u0259 221-ci ild\u0259 Xin xan\u0259dan\u0131n\u0131n \u0259sas\u0131n\u0131 qoymaqla m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259q olmu\u015fdu.\n<\/p>\n

\n M\u00fcasir liberal demokratiyaya g\u0259ldikd\u0259, o, \u00fc\u00e7 institut \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259sinin birliyind\u0259n ibar\u0259tdir. Bunlar d\u00f6vl\u0259tin \u00f6z\u00fc; de-fakto idar\u0259edicinin f\u0259aliyy\u0259tini \u0259hat\u0259 ed\u0259n sosial qanunlar sistemi olan h\u00fcququn aliliyi; v\u0259 m\u00fcnt\u0259z\u0259m \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 se\u00e7kil\u0259ril\u0259 \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f d\u00fcnyan\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259 \u0259ks etdir\u0259n hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q mexanizml\u0259ridir. D\u00f6vl\u0259t \u00f6z irad\u0259sini yeritm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn g\u00fcc\u0259 arxalan\u0131r, ondan istifad\u0259 edir; qanun normalar\u0131 v\u0259 hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q mexanizml\u0259ri is\u0259 \u0259ksin\u0259, d\u00f6vl\u0259tin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131rma\u011fa xidm\u0259t edir. Liberal demokratiyan\u0131n u\u011furu g\u00fccl\u00fc d\u00f6vl\u0259t hakimiyy\u0259ti il\u0259 qanun v\u0259 se\u00e7kil\u0259r sistemi \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 in\u015fa edilmi\u015f n\u0259zar\u0259t v\u0259 t\u0259fti\u015f aras\u0131nda balans qurmas\u0131ndad\u0131r. T\u0259fti\u015fsiz d\u00f6vl\u0259t hakimiyy\u0259ti bir \u00e7ox bax\u0131mdan t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259lidir: eyni zamanda is\u0259 z\u0259if v\u0259 iflic olmu\u015f liberal demokratiyalar v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn faydal\u0131 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259r ortaya qoya bilm\u0259zl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Dig\u0259r d\u00fcnya sivilizasiyalar\u0131ndan f\u0259rqli olaraq, \u00c7in he\u00e7 vaxt h\u00fcququn aliliyin\u0259 nail ola bilm\u0259yib. Xin, Han, Sui, Tanq v\u0259 Minq xan\u0259danlar\u0131n\u0131n qanun m\u0259c\u0259ll\u0259l\u0259rinin ham\u0131s\u0131 pozitiv h\u00fcququn, y\u0259ni imperatorun q\u0259bul etdiyi administrativ qanunlar\u0131n n\u00f6vl\u0259ri idi. Bu s\u0259b\u0259bd\u0259n xan\u0259dan \u00c7ininin hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n formal institutlar\u0131n\u0131 yaratmaqda m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259qiyy\u0259tsiz oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u0259m\u0259y\u0259 ehtiyac yoxdur. Avropada d\u00f6vl\u0259t hakimiyy\u0259ti ilkin olaraq h\u00fcququn peydan olmas\u0131yla m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131, sonra d\u00f6vl\u0259td\u0259n k\u0259nar m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 t\u0259\u015fkilatlanm\u0131\u015f sosial aktyorlar\u0131n f\u0259ras\u0259ti say\u0259sind\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t hakimiyy\u0259tin\u0259 dir\u0259ni\u015f g\u00f6st\u0259rildi v\u0259 o, konstitutsional g\u00fcz\u0259\u015ftl\u0259r etm\u0259y\u0259 vadar edildi. Lakin \u00c7ind\u0259 m\u00fcasir tipli d\u00f6vl\u0259tin erk\u0259n inki\u015faf ed\u0259r\u0259k m\u00f6hk\u0259ml\u0259nm\u0259si, burada yaranan d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r\u0259 \u0259srl\u0259r boyu imkan verdi ki, onlar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131racaq qan qohumlu\u011funa \u0259saslanan aristokratiyan\u0131n, kommersiya burjuaziyas\u0131n\u0131n, m\u00fcst\u0259qil \u015f\u0259h\u0259rl\u0259rin, dini institutlar\u0131n, yaxud t\u0259\u015fkilatlanm\u0131\u015f k\u0259ndlil\u0259r kimi sosial aktyorlar\u0131n ortal\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131xmas\u0131n\u0131 \u0259ng\u0259ll\u0259sin.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bu \u00c7insaya\u011f\u0131 idar\u0259\u00e7ilik dig\u0259r \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259ri \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn d\u0259 model olub. Yaponiya, Koreya v\u0259 sonralar C\u0259nub-\u015e\u0259rqi Asiya d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri \u00c7inin m\u0259d\u0259ni t\u0259siri alt\u0131nda b\u00fct\u00f6v m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259\u015fdirilmi\u015f d\u00f6vl\u0259t v\u0259 meritokratik b\u00fcrokratiya kimi Konfutsian \u0259n\u0259n\u0259l\u0259ri miras g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcbl\u0259r. \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyan\u0131n \u0259n\u0259n\u0259vi d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rinin ham\u0131s\u0131 Q\u0259rbl\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131durma n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 sars\u0131ld\u0131, d\u0259yi\u015fdirildi v\u0259 \u0259v\u0259z olundular; lakin iyirminci \u0259srin ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan etibar\u0259n dem\u0259k olar ki, onlar\u0131n ham\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00fccl\u00fc v\u0259 xeyli institutsionalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f idar\u0259edici qol yenid\u0259n peyda oldu.\n<\/p>\n

\n D\u00fcnyan\u0131n dig\u0259r ucundak\u0131 yeni demokratiyalar \u2013 h\u00fcququ aliliyini v\u0259 hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q institutlar\u0131 yaratm\u0131\u015f d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r \u2013 o zamanlar ki, h\u0259l\u0259 z\u0259if v\u0259 g\u00fccs\u00fcz idil\u0259r, \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya c\u0259miyy\u0259tl\u0259ri g\u00fccl\u00fc v\u0259 dayan\u0131ql\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259tin m\u00f6vcudlu\u011funa arxalan\u0131rd\u0131lar. Demokratik inki\u015faf m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259si c\u0259miyy\u0259td\u0259n \u00e7ox as\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. \u018fks\u0259r zamanlarda \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya c\u0259miyy\u0259tl\u0259ri d\u00f6vl\u0259t g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u0259 m\u00fcqavim\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259li olan g\u00fccl\u00fc v\u0259 yax\u015f\u0131 institutsionalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f sosial qruplardan, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n siyasi m\u0259d\u0259niyy\u0259ti t\u0259\u015fviq ed\u0259c\u0259k sosial etiraz v\u0259 siyasi r\u0259qab\u0259td\u0259n m\u0259hrum olublar. Yaponiya, C\u0259nubi Koreya v\u0259 Tayvanda s\u0259nayel\u0259\u015fm\u0259nin start g\u00f6t\u00fcrm\u0259sil\u0259 burjua sinfinin, ticar\u0259t ittifaqlar\u0131n\u0131n v\u0259 t\u0259l\u0259b\u0259 h\u0259rakatlar\u0131n\u0131n t\u0259\u015f\u0259kk\u00fcl tapma\u011fa ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 vaxtda is\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t art\u0131q beyn\u0259lxalq sistemin n\u0259zar\u0259tind\u0259ydi (AB\u015e ordusunun himay\u0259si alt\u0131nda). Bu proses demokratik rejiml\u0259rin zamanla inki\u015faf\u0131na imkan yaratd\u0131 v\u0259 yerli sosial aktyorlar t\u0259kam\u00fcl etm\u0259kl\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259ti \u00f6z g\u00fccl\u0259ri hesab\u0131na balansla\u015fd\u0131rma\u011fa nail oldular.\n<\/p>\n

\n M\u00fcasir inki\u015faf yolunda \u0259ld\u0259 olunan bir \u00e7ox vacib n\u0259tic\u0259 x\u00fcsusi\u00a0 institutsional ard\u0131c\u0131ll\u0131qdan qaynaqlan\u0131r. \u018fn birincisi v\u0259 \u0259n vacibi, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u0259ks\u0259r hiss\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, u\u011furlu avtoritar modernl\u0259\u015fm\u0259nin \u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 n\u00fcmun\u0259l\u0259ri \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada ba\u015f tutub. Britaniya idar\u0259\u00e7iliyi alt\u0131nda Honq-Konq, demokratik hesabatl\u0131l\u0131qla z\u0259if t\u0259chiz olunmu\u015f avtoritar h\u00f6kum\u0259tl\u0259rin r\u0259hb\u0259rliyi il\u0259 Yaponiya, Sinqapur, C\u0259nubi Koreya, Tayvan, Tayland v\u0259 t\u0259bii olaraq \u00c7in iyirminci \u0259srin ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda s\u00fcr\u0259tl\u0259 inki\u015faf etdil\u0259r (Yaponiyada istisna olaraq proses y\u00fcz il \u0259vv\u0259l ba\u015flam\u0131\u015fd\u0131). M\u0259rk\u0259zi \u015e\u0259rqd\u0259, C\u0259nubi Asiyada, Lat\u0131n Amerikas\u0131nda v\u0259 x\u00fcsusil\u0259 Saxara-alt\u0131 Afrikadak\u0131 y\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyan\u0131n avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259ri sonrak\u0131 demokratiyala\u015fma prosesin\u0259 r\u0259vac ver\u0259c\u0259k inki\u015faf yolunu saxlay\u0131rd\u0131lar. Buna g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259, demokratik a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mdan \u0259vv\u0259l iqtisadi inki\u015faf v\u0259 qanun\u00e7ulu\u011fun vacib oldu\u011funu ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u0259n arqumentl\u0259rin \u00e7oxu \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya modell\u0259rin\u0259 \u0259saslan\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bu inki\u015faf modelinin ikinci n\u0259tic\u0259si o oldu ki, \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri iqtisadi art\u0131m\u0131 t\u0259\u015fviq etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn s\u0259naye siyas\u0259tini institutla\u015fd\u0131ra bildil\u0259r – halbuki bu siyas\u0259t daha bacar\u0131qs\u0131z d\u00f6vl\u0259tin \u0259lind\u0259 icar\u0259dar axtar\u0131\u015f\u0131 bataql\u0131\u011f\u0131yla v\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t q\u0259sbi il\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259n\u0259rdi. \u018fn n\u0259hay\u0259t, sonuncu x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259t ondan ibar\u0259tdir ki, \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada liberal keyfiyy\u0259t Avropa, \u015eimali Amerika v\u0259 Q\u0259rbin dig\u0259r b\u00f6lg\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259kind\u0259n f\u0259rqlidir. Yaponiya \u0259vv\u0259lc\u0259 1920-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 Tay\u015fo d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259, 1951-ci ild\u0259n sonra is\u0259 AB\u015e-\u0131n himay\u0259si alt\u0131nda demokratiyan\u0131 u\u011furla t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259d\u0259n ke\u00e7ir\u0259n ilk Asiya c\u0259miyy\u0259ti idi. Siyasi-sosioloq Barrinqton bel\u0259 bir fikir ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u00fcr ki, \u00c7ind\u0259n v\u0259 Asiyan\u0131n dig\u0259r aqrar \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, Yaponiyan\u0131n sosial strukturu u\u011furla demokratikl\u0259\u015fm\u0259y\u0259 imkan verirdi. Tokuqava d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 (1603-1868) Yaponiyada hakimiyy\u0259t Q\u0259rbd\u0259ki kimi feodal zad\u0259ganlar aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015fd\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015fd\u00fc, h\u0259tta bu g\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00c7inind\u0259n f\u0259rqli olaraq, orada k\u0259ndl\u0259r m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 icmala\u015fm\u0131\u015fd\u0131 v\u0259 \u00f6zl\u0259rini idar\u0259 etm\u0259k s\u0259lahiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri vard\u0131. H\u0259m\u00e7inin m\u00fcasir Yaponiyadak\u0131 demokratiya da Avropadak\u0131 v\u0259 AB\u015e-dak\u0131 demokratiyadan daha f\u0259rqli g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr v\u0259 f\u0259rqli c\u00fcr ya\u015fan\u0131r. Birincisi v\u0259 \u0259n vacibi, siyasi sistemd\u0259 Yapon d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin dominantl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7oxsayl\u0131 analizl\u0259r g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, biznes t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131yla ittifaqda olan b\u00fcrokratlar m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259nl\u0259\u015fdirici siyas\u0259t kimi parlamentl\u0259r\u0259 veril\u0259n normalar\u0131 q\u0259sb edibl\u0259r v\u0259 q\u0259rarlar\u0131n q\u0259bulunda \u0259sas rolu oynay\u0131blar (1990-c\u0131 ill\u0259rd\u0259 Yaponiyadak\u0131 y\u00fcks\u0259k art\u0131m zaman\u0131 bu dominantl\u0131q z\u0259ifl\u0259di, b\u00fcrokratik r\u0259qab\u0259tin s\u00fcqutu da bu d\u00f6vr\u0259 t\u0259sad\u00fcf edir). \u0130kincisi, yegan\u0259 hegomon partiya (Libaral Demokratik Partiya) 1955-ci ild\u0259n 2009-cu il\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r Yaponiyan\u0131 dem\u0259k olar fasil\u0259siz idar\u0259 edib: h\u0259tta bu g\u00fcn \u00f6lk\u0259ni Yapon Demokratik Partiyas\u0131 idar\u0259 ets\u0259 d\u0259, bu \u00f6lk\u0259nin iqtidarla m\u00fcxalif\u0259tin daim bir-birini \u0259v\u0259zl\u0259diyi iki partiyal\u0131 stabil d\u00f6vr\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259m qoydu\u011funu dem\u0259k m\u00fcmk\u00fcn deyil. V\u0259 n\u0259hay\u0259t, Yaponiya he\u00e7 vaxt\u00a0 hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn sosial t\u0259l\u0259bin v\u0259 naraz\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u00fcr\u0259tli siyasi f\u0259all\u0131\u011fa \u00e7evrilm\u0259sini t\u0259min ed\u0259n Q\u0259rb sayaq \u00e7\u0259ki\u015fm\u0259li siyasi k\u00fclt\u00fcr yarada bilm\u0259yib. Yaln\u0131z 2011-ci ild\u0259 Tohuku z\u0259lz\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259n, sunamid\u0259n v\u0259 n\u00fcv\u0259 f\u0259lak\u0259tind\u0259n sonra yapon c\u0259miyy\u0259tinin birm\u0259nal\u0131\u011f\u0131 naraz\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259 s\u00fcrpriz \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 ki\u00e7ik siyasi s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259rlikl\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259nmi\u015fdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bundan ba\u015fqa, yeni \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya demokratiyalar\u0131 daha \u00e7ox “Q\u0259rbsayaqd\u0131r” n\u0259inki Yaponsayaq: C\u0259nubi Koreya, Tayvan v\u0259 Taylandda hakimiyy\u0259tin iqtidardan m\u00fcxalif\u0259t\u0259 ke\u00e7m\u0259si yay\u011f\u0131nd\u0131r v\u0259 bu \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 \u00e7\u0259ki\u015fm\u0259li siyas\u0259t m\u0259d\u0259niyy\u0259ti var. Bununla bel\u0259, C\u0259nubi Koreya v\u0259 Tayvanda yaponsayaq dominant-partiyal\u0131 sistem\u0259 h\u0259mi\u015f\u0259 g\u00fccl\u00fc gizli meyl olub v\u0259 h\u0259r iki \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259 m\u0259rk\u0259zi b\u00fcrokratiyan\u0131n da rolu g\u00fccl\u00fc olub.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada avtoritar d\u00f6vl\u0259t
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n Bir \u00e7ox bax\u0131mdan, \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada demokratiyan\u0131n legitimliyi v\u0259 t\u0259tbiqi\u00a0 b\u00f6lg\u0259d\u0259ki demokratik \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rin qlobal miqyasda nec\u0259 s\u0131ralanmalar\u0131ndan\u00a0 \u00a0 deyil, regionun dominant avtoritar \u00f6lk\u0259si \u00c7inl\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259ri nec\u0259 qurmalar\u0131ndan as\u0131l\u0131 olacaq. \u018fvv\u0259ll\u0259r Sinqapur nec\u0259 c\u0259lbediciydis\u0259, indi d\u0259 \u00c7in el\u0259 c\u0259lbedicidir, \u00e7\u00fcnki iqtisadi c\u0259h\u0259td\u0259n u\u011furlu olub. \u00c7in modelinin formalar\u0131n\u0131 kopyalamaq h\u0259m regionda, h\u0259m d\u0259 onun h\u00fcdudlar\u0131ndan k\u0259narda \u00e7ox \u015firnikl\u0259ndiricidir. Ona g\u00f6r\u0259 d\u0259 bu modeli t\u0259nqid etm\u0259zd\u0259n \u0259vv\u0259l onu d\u0259rk etm\u0259liyik. Amma \u0259sas konseptual q\u00fcsurla da biz m\u0259hz burada \u00fczl\u0259\u015firik.\n<\/p>\n

\n M\u00fcqayis\u0259li siyas\u0259t elmi liberal demokratik rejiml\u0259ri, onlar\u0131n institutsional x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259l\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 f\u0259rql\u0259ri v\u0259 bu f\u0259rql\u0259rin siyasi v\u0259 iqtisadi n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259sini analiz etm\u0259k v\u0259 kateqoriyala\u015fd\u0131rmaq bax\u0131m\u0131ndan z\u0259ngin l\u00fc\u011f\u0259t formala\u015fd\u0131r\u0131b. Lakin eyni \u015feyi qeyri-demokratik rejiml\u0259rin analizin\u0259 aid ed\u0259 bilm\u0259rik. Bu yax\u0131nlarda Stiven Levitski, Lukan Vey v\u0259 Andreas \u015eedler tam demokratik \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n tutmu\u015f, tam avtoritar \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259r\u0259c\u0259n hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259 olan rejiml\u0259rin n\u00f6vl\u0259rinin taksanomiyas\u0131n\u0131 (sisteml\u0259\u015fdirilm\u0259sini) yaratmaqdan \u00f6tr\u00fc c\u0259hdl\u0259r edibl\u0259r. Bu \u0259d\u0259biyyata veril\u0259n \u0259n b\u00f6y\u00fck t\u00f6hf\u0259 “r\u0259qab\u0259tli avtoritarizm”, v\u0259 ya “se\u00e7kili avtoritarizm” kimi kateqoriyalar\u0131n yarad\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu kateqoriyalar Rusiyada Vladimir Putin v\u0259 Venesuelada H\u00fcqo \u00c7avez kimi avtoritar liderl\u0259rin se\u00e7ki ke\u00e7irs\u0259l\u0259r d\u0259, prosesi tamamil\u0259 \u00f6z \u0259ll\u0259rind\u0259 saxlad\u0131qlar\u0131 rejiml\u0259ri \u0259ks etdirir. Bu kriteriyalar h\u0259min taksonomik iyerarxiyalar\u0131n \u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 demokratik t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259y\u0259 \u0259saslansalar da, m\u00fcxt\u0259lif d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 avtoritar \u0259ng\u0259ll\u0259rd\u0259n istifad\u0259 etdikl\u0259rini ehtiva edir. \u018fslind\u0259, Levitski v\u0259 Veyin g\u0259ldiyi q\u0259na\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259n biri budur ki, “Freedom House” kimi t\u0259\u015fkilatlar \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rin demokratiya reytinqini t\u0259rtib ed\u0259rk\u0259n, \u00e7ox s\u0259xav\u0259tli davran\u0131rlar.\n<\/p>\n

\n Halbuki bu kriteriyalar sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq h\u00fcququn aliliyi v\u0259 hesabatl\u0131l\u0131qla ba\u011fl\u0131 institutlar\u0131n keyfiyy\u0259tinin d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259sini m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259nl\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259lidir. Y\u0259ni onlar d\u00f6vl\u0259t keyfiyy\u0259tinin m\u00fcst\u0259qil \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u0259rini n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 almamal\u0131d\u0131rlar. \u018fksini ed\u0259nd\u0259 bu sferada analitik kateqoriyalarda ciddi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmazl\u0131qlar yaran\u0131r. L\u00fc\u011f\u0259t kimi yararland\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z meyarlarda biz Maks Veberin icad etdiyi patrimonial (atadan ke\u00e7m\u0259-t\u0259rc), prebendal (se\u00e7ilmi\u015f r\u0259smil\u0259rl\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t i\u015f\u00e7il\u0259rinin m\u00fc\u015ft\u0259r\u0259k \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 v\u0259zif\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n sui-istifad\u0259si – t\u0259rc), sultanl\u0131q v\u0259 s. kimi terminl\u0259r\u0259 qay\u0131d\u0131r\u0131q (haz\u0131rda alternativ kimi avtoritar-totalitar f\u0259rql\u0259ndirm\u0259l\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u0259d\u0259biyyat geni\u015fl\u0259nm\u0259kd\u0259dir). D\u00fcnya Bank\u0131 \u0130nstitutunun (DB\u0130) yaratd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00dcmumd\u00fcnya \u0130dar\u0259\u00e7ilik \u0130ndikatorlar\u0131 kimi indeksl\u0259r “d\u00f6vl\u0259t effektivliyi”, “t\u0259nziml\u0259yici keyfiyy\u0259t” v\u0259 “korrupsiyaya n\u0259zar\u0259t” kimi g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259rd\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin bir s\u0131ra keyfiyy\u0259tl\u0259rini \u0259hat\u0259 etm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. F\u0259q\u0259t bunlar d\u00f6vl\u0259tin nec\u0259 i\u015fl\u0259m\u0259si n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259sin\u0259 \u0259saslanan yax\u015f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f konseptl\u0259r ola bilm\u0259zl\u0259r; \u0259slind\u0259 onlar h\u00f6kum\u0259tl\u0259rin m\u00f6vcud k\u0259miyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259ridir ki, DB\u0130 ara\u015fd\u0131rma\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00fcmumi s\u0259b\u0259t kimi s\u0259rf\u0259lidirl\u0259r. (M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, “t\u0259nziml\u0259yici keyfiyy\u0259tin” “d\u00f6vl\u0259t effektivliyi”nin subkateqoriyas\u0131 olmaqdansa, n\u0259y\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 t\u0259kba\u015f\u0131na \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc vahidi oldu\u011fu ayd\u0131n deyil). DB\u0130 indikatorlar\u0131yla k\u00f6hn\u0259 Veber l\u00fc\u011f\u0259ti aras\u0131nda ayd\u0131n \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259nm\u0259 yoxdur. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, korrupsiyan\u0131n m\u00fcasir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc vahidl\u0259ri, b\u00fcrokratiyada v\u0259 prebendalizmd\u0259 – haradak\u0131 r\u0259smil\u0259r sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq m\u00fc\u015ft\u0259ril\u0259rini vecl\u0259rin\u0259 almadan ictimai resurlar\u0131 q\u0259sb edirl\u0259r –\u00a0 m\u00fcdir-m\u00fc\u015ft\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259ri f\u0259rql\u0259ndirmir. Bizim \u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fczd\u0259 is\u0259 r\u0259q\u0259ml\u0259r yoxdur ki,\u00a0 b\u00fcrokratiyaya i\u015f\u0259 q\u0259bulun n\u0259 d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 qabiliyy\u0259t\u0259, n\u0259 d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 qohumbazl\u0131\u011fa \u0259sasland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n ed\u0259k.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bizim konseptual kateqoriyalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n qeyri-demokratik rejiml\u0259rin n\u00f6vl\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 vacib f\u0259rqlilikl\u0259r\u0259 i\u015f\u0131q ucu tuta bilm\u0259diyi ba\u015fqa bir m\u0259qam da var. Aristotel “Siyas\u0259t” \u0259s\u0259rind\u0259 iki kateqoriya \u0259sas\u0131nda rejiml\u0259rin taksanomiyas\u0131n\u0131 ir\u0259li s\u00fcr\u00fcr: birincisind\u0259 bu rejiml\u0259r ya bir n\u0259f\u0259rin, azl\u0131\u011f\u0131n v\u0259 yaxud \u00e7oxlu\u011fun idar\u0259\u00e7iliyin\u0259 \u0259saslan\u0131rlar; ikincisind\u0259 is\u0259 rejim t\u0259kc\u0259 ya idar\u0259\u00e7i qrupun, yaxud \u00fcmuminin maraqlar\u0131na \u0259saslan\u0131r. Bu x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri bir-birin\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ralamaq rejim n\u00f6vl\u0259rinin alt\u0131qat kateqoriyas\u0131na g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xar\u0131r v\u0259 Aristotel\u0259 imkan verir ki, bir n\u0259f\u0259rin ham\u0131n\u0131n maraqlar\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259min etdiyi krall\u0131qla, bir n\u0259f\u0259rin \u015f\u0259xsi maraqlar\u0131na \u0259saslanan tiranl\u0131\u011f\u0131 f\u0259rql\u0259ndirsin.\n<\/p>\n

\n Sa\u011flam fikr\u0259 qald\u0131qda, insanlar\u0131n \u0259ks\u0259riyy\u0259ti xo\u015fniyy\u0259tli diktatorlu\u011fun m\u00fcmk\u00fcnl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u0259 izn ver\u0259rl\u0259r. Li Kuan Yu-nin idar\u0259\u00e7iliyi alt\u0131ndak\u0131 Sinqapurla\u00a0 Mobutu Sese Sekonun y\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 idar\u0259\u00e7iliyi alt\u0131ndak\u0131 Zair, yaxud Kim Jonq-il-in \u015eimali Koreyas\u0131 aras\u0131nda ciddi \u0259xlaqi f\u0259rq var. M\u00fcasir m\u00fcqayis\u0259li siyas\u0259t elminin Krall\u0131q v\u0259 Tiranl\u0131q aras\u0131ndak\u0131 Aristotelvari f\u0259rqliliyi izl\u0259m\u0259yi b\u00f6y\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcd\u0259 unutmas\u0131n\u0131n v\u0259 qeyri-demokratik rejiml\u0259rin kateqoriyala\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda effektiv yol izl\u0259m\u0259m\u0259sinin geni\u015f \u00fcmumi maraqlara cavab verdiyini dem\u0259k yanl\u0131\u015f olar. Biz bu terminologiyaya ona g\u00f6r\u0259 m\u00fcraci\u0259t edirik ki, b\u0259zi avtoritar d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r “inki\u015faf”a meyillidirl\u0259r, ba\u015fqa s\u00f6zl\u0259 des\u0259k, onlar iqtisadi art\u0131m\u0131 t\u0259\u015fviq etm\u0259k ist\u0259yirl\u0259r. Qeyri-demokratik rejim \u00fcmuminin maraqlar\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259\u015fviq ed\u0259 bil\u0259r n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259ri is\u0259 \u0259lb\u0259tt\u0259 ki, iqtisadi m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259rin h\u00fcdudlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015f\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n “Hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q” (accauntability) termini dem\u0259k olar, s\u0131rf prosedurlara \u0259saslanan hesabatl\u0131l\u0131qla \u0259laq\u0259li m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259y\u0259c\u0259n g\u0259lib \u00e7\u0131x\u0131b – bu, azad v\u0259 \u00e7oxpartiyal\u0131 \u0259dal\u0259tli se\u00e7kil\u0259rin ke\u00e7irilm\u0259si v\u0259 yaxud ke\u00e7irilm\u0259m\u0259sidir. Bir rejimin prosedur bax\u0131mdan hesabatl\u0131l\u0131qdan uzaq, eyni zamanda is\u0259 ruh\u0259n c\u0259miyy\u0259tin maraqlar\u0131na cavab ver\u0259c\u0259k \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259si bu g\u00fcn o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u0259n bir \u015fey deyil. Hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa bir prosedur kimi yox, maddi rifah n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n baxmaq iki s\u0259b\u0259bd\u0259n dolay\u0131 problematikdir. Birincisi, prosedur hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan bir \u00e7ox demokratik rejimin faktiki idar\u0259etm\u0259d\u0259 qeyri-hesabatl\u0131 olduqlar\u0131 ayd\u0131nd\u0131r. Se\u00e7icil\u0259r kasad informasiyadan, etinas\u0131zl\u0131qdan, etnik s\u0259sverm\u0259d\u0259n, patronajl\u0131qdan v\u0259 ya manipulyasiyadan dolay\u0131 liderl\u0259ri ad\u0259t\u0259n cavabdeh saym\u0131rlar. Q\u0131sas\u0131, bu ayd\u0131n bir faktd\u0131r ki, hakimiyy\u0259tin formal demokratik prosedurlar\u0131 r\u0259hb\u0259r tutmas\u0131 maddi rifaha qarantiya vermir.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130kinci problem is\u0259 x\u00fcsusil\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyaya m\u0259xsusdur. Xan\u0259dan \u00c7ini he\u00e7 bir zaman icraedici hakimiyy\u0259ti m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131racaq ali h\u00fcquq v\u0259 formal hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q mexanizml\u0259ri yaratmasa da, sistemin f\u0259aliyy\u0259tind\u0259 \u0259xlaqi hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q \u0259sas yer tutub. Bu, Konfutsizmin m\u0259\u011fziydi: Konfutsizm\u00a0 h\u00f6kmdarlar\u0131n davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 idar\u0259 ed\u0259n v\u0259 onlar\u0131 idar\u0259 olunanlar\u0131n maraqlar\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259min etm\u0259y\u0259 y\u00f6nl\u0259ndir\u0259n etik bir doktrinayd\u0131. Bu m\u0259n\u0259viyyat sistemi daxili q\u0259rarlar\u0131 \u0259sasl\u0131 \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lan kompleks b\u00fcrokratiyada oturu\u015fmu\u015fdu, t\u0259kc\u0259 imperatorun n\u0259z\u0259ri bax\u0131m\u0131ndan h\u00fcdudsuz hakimiyy\u0259ti vard\u0131. B\u00fcrokratiyan\u0131n vacib funksiyalar\u0131ndan biri n\u0259cib t\u0259rbiy\u0259 verm\u0259k v\u0259 hakim v\u0259zif\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259n h\u0259r k\u0259s\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259tin \u015f\u0259xsi maraqlar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn deyil, \u0259n\u0259n\u0259vi v\u0259zif\u0259l\u0259ri yerin\u0259 yetirm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn oldu\u011funu izah etm\u0259k idi.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u018flb\u0259tt\u0259, prosedurlara \u0259saslanan hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0259xlaqi hesabatl\u0131l\u0131qdan \u00fcst\u00fcn tutmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00e7ox sayda \u0259sasl\u0131 s\u0259b\u0259bl\u0259r var. \u0130kincisil\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 \u0259sas problem informasiyayla \u0259laq\u0259dard\u0131r. \u018fg\u0259r despot h\u0259tta xo\u015fniyy\u0259tlidirs\u0259, o, azad m\u0259tbuat\u0131n v\u0259 h\u0259qiqi \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u0259ri a\u015fkar ed\u0259n se\u00e7kil\u0259r kimi formal prosedurlar\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerd\u0259, \u00fcmumi maraqlar\u0131n n\u0259d\u0259n ibar\u0259t oldu\u011funu hardan bil\u0259c\u0259k? Bundan ba\u015fqa, nec\u0259 ola bil\u0259r ki, prosedura \u0259saslanan hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fchitd\u0259 despotlar h\u0259r zaman xo\u015f niyy\u0259tl\u0259rini qoruyub saxlaya bilsinl\u0259r? Xan\u0259dan \u00c7inind\u0259 bu, “pis imperator” problemi kimi ortaya \u00e7\u0131x\u0131rd\u0131: ist\u0259nil\u0259n anda qorxunc bir despot peyda ola, \u0259n\u0259n\u0259l\u0259ri v\u0259 q\u0259bul olunmu\u015f \u0259xlaq normalar\u0131n\u0131 tapdamaqla c\u0259miyy\u0259t\u0259 b\u00f6y\u00fck ziyan vura bil\u0259rdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n D\u00f6vl\u0259t f\u0259aliyy\u0259tinin hesabat\u0131
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n Bu esse d\u00f6vl\u0259t effektivliyinin analizi bax\u0131m\u0131ndan m\u00f6vcud \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u0259rd\u0259ki bo\u015flu\u011fu dolduracaq h\u0259rt\u0259r\u0259fli \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259 i\u015fi kimi n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutulmay\u0131b. Tam \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc h\u0259dsiz kompleks v\u0259 h\u0259m\u00e7inin y\u0259qin, konkret sah\u0259li olard\u0131, nec\u0259 ki, bir \u00e7ox d\u00f6vl\u0259td\u0259 b\u0259zi nazirlikl\u0259r v\u0259 komit\u0259l\u0259r f\u0259aliyy\u0259t bax\u0131m\u0131ndan dig\u0259rl\u0259rind\u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 olurlar. Buna baxmayaraq, izn verin, \u00c7in avtoritar d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin analizind\u0259 m\u00fcasir h\u00f6kum\u0259tin 3 kateqoriyas\u0131ndan ba\u015flan\u011f\u0131c n\u00f6qt\u0259 kimi istifad\u0259 ed\u0259k. Bu kateqoriyalar institutla\u015fma, i\u015f\u0259 q\u0259bul v\u0259 cavabverm\u0259 qabiliyy\u0259tidir.\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n \u0130nstitutla\u015fma.
\n <\/b>
\n \u0130nstitutla\u015fma dey\u0259rk\u0259n m\u0259n Duqlas Norsun h\u0259dsiz geni\u015f m\u0259nada istifad\u0259 etdiyi qaydalar\u0131 n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutmuram (h\u0259m r\u0259smi h\u00fcquqa, h\u0259m d\u0259 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u0259 aid olan m\u0259nan\u0131), bu, daha \u00e7ox Samuel P. Hantinqtonun “Siyasi nizam v\u0259 d\u0259yi\u015f\u0259n c\u0259miyy\u0259tl\u0259r” (1968) \u0259s\u0259rind\u0259n g\u0259lm\u0259 dar t\u0259rifdir, burada institutlar “stabil, d\u0259y\u0259rli, davran\u0131\u015f\u0131n yenil\u0259n\u0259n x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri” kimi az v\u0259 ya \u00e7ox d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 kompleks, uy\u011funla\u015fan, avtonom v\u0259 yaxud \u0259laq\u0259li ola bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u018fg\u0259r \u00c7in n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r institutsionalla\u015f\u0131b dey\u0259 soru\u015fsaq, cavab, dem\u0259k olar, b\u00fct\u00fcn avtoritar rejiml\u0259rd\u0259n “daha \u00e7ox” olar. Hakim \u00c7in Kommunist Partiyas\u0131 (\u00c7KP) h\u0259dsiz kompleks, uy\u011funla\u015fan, avtonom v\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259li t\u0259\u015fkilat kimi, h\u0259m\u00e7inin elit kadr sistemi v\u0259 n\u0259h\u0259ng c\u0259miyy\u0259td\u0259n \u00fczvl\u0259r s\u0259f\u0259rb\u0259r ed\u0259n partiya kimi t\u0259kam\u00fcl edib. “Siyazi Nizam” \u0259s\u0259rind\u0259 \u201cSovet \u0130ttifaq\u0131 siyas\u0259t n\u00f6qteyi n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n yax\u015f\u0131 inki\u015faf edib\u201d dediyin\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 Hantinqton \u00e7oxlu t\u0259nqidl\u0259r\u0259 m\u0259ruz qalm\u0131\u015fd\u0131, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 1989-cu ild\u0259 kommunizmin \u00e7\u00f6km\u0259si fonunda. O, \u201cKommunist Partiyas\u0131 siyasi r\u0259qab\u0259ti t\u0259tikl\u0259y\u0259n mexanizmdir\u201d dey\u0259nd\u0259, \u0259lb\u0259tt\u0259 ki, s\u0259hv edirdi. Ancaq onun \u201cpartiya y\u00fcks\u0259k institutsionalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f t\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131 t\u0259msil edir\u201d fikri h\u0259qiq\u0259t idi.\n<\/p>\n

\n Eyni \u015feyi \u00c7KP-ya da aid etm\u0259k olar. Bir m\u00fcdd\u0259t \u0259vv\u0259l tarixd\u0259n silin\u0259n Misird\u0259ki M\u00fcbar\u0259k, Tunisd\u0259ki Ben \u018fli v\u0259 Liviyadak\u0131 Q\u0259ddafi \u0259r\u0259b diktatorlar\u0131yla m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 \u00c7in rejimi daha \u00e7ox qanunp\u0259r\u0259stdir. Burada hakimiyy\u0259t bir \u015f\u0259xs\u0259 v\u0259 ya onun ail\u0259sin\u0259 m\u0259xsus deyil: 1978-ci ild\u0259n b\u0259ri Politb\u00fcro yan\u0131ndak\u0131 Daimi Komit\u0259nin hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t etdiyi kollektiv liderlik sistemi yaran\u0131b. Hakimiyy\u0259tin \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclm\u0259si \u0259ks\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259rin \u0259n ciddi probleml\u0259rind\u0259n biri oldu\u011fu halda, \u00c7ind\u0259 bu qeyri-\u015f\u0259ffaf proses olsa da, bir o q\u0259d\u0259r d\u0259 az problemlidir. B\u00fct\u00fcn klassik leninist partiyalar kimi \u00c7KP-nin el\u0259 elit strukturu var ki, t\u0259limatlar\u0131 iyerarxiyan\u0131n yax\u0131n s\u0259viyy\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 \u00f6t\u00fcr\u0259 bilir. Bu, el\u0259 bir qabiliyy\u0259tdir ki, iqtisadi istiqam\u0259tl\u0259ndirm\u0259d\u0259n tutmu\u015f, siyasi m\u00fcxalif\u0259t\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r \u00f6z qaydalar\u0131n\u0131 diqt\u0259 ed\u0259 bilir, bununla o, dig\u0259r avtoritar rejiml\u0259rd\u0259n daha g\u00fccl\u00fc ola bilir.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130nstitutla\u015fma m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259 partiyan\u0131n \u0259n b\u00f6y\u00fck problemi uy\u011funla\u015fmaqla ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u018flb\u0259tt\u0259, ehkam\u00e7\u0131 Kommunist Partiyas\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcnd\u0259 biznesmenl\u0259ri v\u0259 pe\u015f\u0259karlar\u0131 (Jianq Zeminin “\u00dc\u00e7 T\u0259qdimat\u00e7\u0131”s\u0131 alt\u0131nda) birl\u0259\u015fdirir v\u0259 kapitalist iqtisadiyyat\u0131n\u0131 t\u0259\u015fviq edirs\u0259, dem\u0259li, uy\u011funla\u015fma modelidir. Lakin \u00c7KP-nin ideloji Marksist-Leninist mane\u0259l\u0259ri a\u015fmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131q-ayd\u0131n m\u0259hdudiyy\u0259tl\u0259ri d\u0259 var. Onun “\u018fr\u0259b bahar\u0131”na olan paranoyak reaksiyas\u0131 daha liberal diktatorlu\u011fa ke\u00e7id fikrin\u0259 yer qoymad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u015far\u0259 edir.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n \u0130\u015f\u0259 q\u0259bul.
\n <\/b>
\n \u00c7inin siyasi v\u0259 administrativ sistemind\u0259ki himay\u0259darl\u0131q v\u0259 korrupsiyas\u0131 s\u0259viyy\u0259sini m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n etm\u0259k \u0259n \u00e7\u0259tin m\u0259qamlardan biridir. Korrupsiya m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259 \u00c7inin \u00fcz\u00fc a\u011f deyil. “Beyn\u0259lxalq \u015e\u0259ffafl\u0131q” 2010-cu il Korrupsiya Qavrama \u0130ndeksin\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259, o, 178 \u00f6lk\u0259 aras\u0131nda 78-ci pill\u0259d\u0259 q\u0259rarla\u015fmaqla Yunan\u0131stan, Vanuatu v\u0259 Kolumbiyayla qon\u015fudur. Buna baxmayaraq, bu g\u00f6st\u0259rici \u00c7in sistemind\u0259 korrupsiyala\u015fman\u0131n t\u0259bi\u0259tini v\u0259 geni\u015fliyini izah etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn sad\u0259c\u0259 olaraq kifay\u0259t el\u0259mir. \u00c7inc\u0259 “Guanxi” termini \u201cqeyri-r\u0259smi t\u0259sir\u201d m\u0259nas\u0131n\u0131 verir, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n \u00c7KP-nin strukturunda fraksiyalar v\u0259 himay\u0259\u00e7i qruplar a\u00e7\u0131q-ayd\u0131n f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rirl\u0259r. \u00c7in m\u0259tbuat\u0131nda v\u0259 ya mikrobloqlarda yerli r\u0259smil\u0259rin, developerl\u0259rin v\u0259 dig\u0259r elitalar\u0131n korrupsiya sazi\u015fl\u0259rin\u0259 dair says\u0131z-hesabs\u0131z x\u0259b\u0259rl\u0259r yay\u0131mlan\u0131r. M\u00fcnt\u0259z\u0259m olaraq bel\u0259 x\u0259b\u0259rl\u0259rd\u0259n biri qalmaqal t\u0259siri d\u0259 yarada bilir, 2008-ci ild\u0259 k\u00f6rp\u0259l\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutulmu\u015f xarab d\u0259rman v\u0259 yaxud eyni ild\u0259 Si\u00e7uan z\u0259lz\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259n sonra a\u015fkar edil\u0259n q\u00fcsurlu in\u015faat bel\u0259 hadis\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 misal ola bil\u0259r. \u00dcz\u00fcm\u00fcz\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259n 2012-ci il d\u0259yi\u015fikliyi daxil olmaqla siyasi liderl\u0259rin se\u00e7imi d\u0259 tamamil\u0259 qeyri-\u015f\u0259ffaf bir prosesdir.\n<\/p>\n

\n Amma bunlara baxmayaraq, \u00c7in sistemi \u0259ks\u0259r inki\u015faf etm\u0259kd\u0259 olan \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rin neopatrimonial siyas\u0259tl\u0259ril\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 \u015f\u0259xsl\u0259r \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 qurulmay\u0131b v\u0259 daha moderndir. Q\u0259dim \u0259n\u0259n\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan sistemd\u0259 dayan\u0131ql\u0131 meritokratik x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259r var, buna partiyaya, d\u00f6vl\u0259t b\u00fcrokratiyas\u0131na i\u015f\u0259 q\u0259buldan tutmu\u015f, iyerarxiyalar boyunca t\u0259\u015fviqat i\u015fl\u0259ri daxildir. “Guanxi” qap\u0131lar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131nda \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tli rol oynaya bil\u0259r, ancaq m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 ir\u0259lil\u0259m\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259nd\u0259 h\u0259r k\u0259s eynidir. \u00c7irkin korrupsiya il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 \u0259ks\u0259r \u0259hvalatlar partiyan\u0131n v\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t strukturunun a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 pill\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n g\u0259lir. \u00c7KP-nin y\u00fcks\u0259k-\u00e7inli m\u0259murlar\u0131 \u00f6zl\u0259ri v\u0259 ail\u0259l\u0259ri \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn b\u00f6y\u00fck imtiyazlardan yararlansalar da, he\u00e7 kim iddia ed\u0259 bilm\u0259z ki, onlar, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Rus siyasi fiqurlar\u0131 kimi astronomik m\u0259bl\u0259\u011fl\u0259rd\u0259 v\u0259saitl\u0259ri \u00f6z cibl\u0259rin\u0259 \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u0259r. \u00c7ind\u0259 politb\u00fcro yan\u0131ndak\u0131 Daimi Komit\u0259nin yeni \u00fczvl\u0259rinin qeyri-r\u0259smi \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 yoxlan\u0131lmas\u0131 prosesi yay\u011f\u0131nd\u0131r:\u00a0 m\u00fcxt\u0259lif \u0259yal\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259 v\u0259 iqtisadi sektorlarda \u0259ld\u0259 edil\u0259n geni\u015f administrativ t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259y\u0259 malik olmadan v\u0259zif\u0259y\u0259 se\u00e7ilm\u0259k \u00e7ox \u00e7\u0259tin m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259dir.\n<\/p>\n

\n G\u0259l\u0259c\u0259y\u0259 g\u0259ldikd\u0259 is\u0259, yenid\u0259n ortal\u0131\u011fa g\u0259l\u0259n m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 Minxin Peyin dediyi kimi, \u00c7ind\u0259 sistemi da\u011f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Burada 2000-ci ill\u0259r ail\u0259 imtiyazlar\u0131 v\u0259 imkanlar\u0131 olan “prinselingl\u0259r” (ki\u00e7ik \u0259yal\u0259t v\u0259 b\u00f6lg\u0259 ba\u015f\u00e7\u0131s\u0131) sinfinin y\u00fcks\u0259li\u015fi v\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259t m\u00f6vqel\u0259rin\u0259 g\u0259lm\u0259l\u0259ril\u0259 yadda qald\u0131. Martin \u015eeferin qeyd etdiyi kimi, kommunist partiyalar\u0131n\u0131n ilk d\u00f6vrl\u0259rd\u0259 korrupsiya g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259ri a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 olur, hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 g\u0259lm\u0259k yolunda m\u00fcbariz\u0259 apard\u0131qlar\u0131ndan\u00a0 b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015fd\u00fcrm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn resurslar\u0131 m\u0259hdud olur. Lakin hakimiyy\u0259t t\u0259min edild\u0259nd\u0259n sonra elitalar yenid\u0259n patrimonalizasiyaya v\u0259 davaml\u0131 hakimiyy\u0259t\u0259 meyill\u0259nirl\u0259r. Bunun m\u00fcasir \u00c7ind\u0259 hans\u0131 d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259y\u0259d\u0259k ba\u015f verdiyini \u00f6l\u00e7m\u0259k is\u0259 \u0259lb\u0259tt\u0259 ki, qeyri-m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n Cavabverm\u0259 qabiliyy\u0259ti.
\n <\/b>
\n \u00c7in siyasi sistemind\u0259 \u0259slind\u0259 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lara istiqam\u0259tl\u0259n\u0259n r\u0259smi siyasi hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q yoxdur. Yerli se\u00e7kil\u0259r m\u0259hduddur, dig\u0259r Asiya \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 oldu\u011fu kimi \u00c7in v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yerli hakimiyy\u0259t orqanlar\u0131n\u0131 buraxd\u0131qlar\u0131 s\u0259hvl\u0259r\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259y\u0259 verm\u0259k h\u00fcquqlar\u0131 var. Lakin \u0259ks\u0259r m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259\u00e7il\u0259r bu fikird\u0259dirl\u0259r ki, bu t\u0259sisatlar d\u00f6vl\u0259tin r\u0259ftar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0259yi\u015fm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flara c\u00fczi d\u0259 olsa s\u0259lahiyy\u0259t vermir. Demokratik \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t hakimiyy\u0259tini t\u0259fti\u015f ed\u0259n m\u0259tbuat burada ciddi-c\u0259hdl\u0259 m\u0259hdudla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131l\u0131b.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u00c7in sistemind\u0259 r\u0259smi hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q tamamil\u0259 yuxar\u0131ya, partiyaya v\u0259 partiyan\u0131n ali q\u0259rarverici e\u015falonlar\u0131na do\u011fru istiqam\u0259tl\u0259nib. Bu bax\u0131mdan m\u00fcasir \u00c7in h\u00f6kum\u0259ti xan\u0259dan d\u00f6vrl\u0259rinin m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259\u015fmi\u015f d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin strukturunu t\u0259krarlay\u0131r v\u0259 onun probleml\u0259rini dirildir. \u00c7\u00fcnki hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q yuxar\u0131ya do\u011fru n\u0259h\u0259ng b\u00fcrokratiya aparat\u0131ndan ke\u00e7ir, h\u00f6kum\u0259tin ali n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259l\u0259rinin bir n\u00f6mr\u0259li problemi a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 qatlardak\u0131lar\u0131n davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 monitorinq v\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t etm\u0259kd\u0259n ibar\u0259tdir, bu da ki, klassik prinsipal-agent problemin\u0259 (prinsipal-agent problemi – qurumun sahibl\u0259ri il\u0259 i\u015f\u00e7il\u0259rin m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 f\u0259rq \u2013 t\u0259rc) g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xar\u0131r. Xan\u0259dan \u00c7inind\u0259 iyerarxiyan\u0131 qat-qat etm\u0259kl\u0259, onlara bir-birinin \u00fcst\u00fcnd\u0259n n\u0259zar\u0259t etm\u0259k tendensiyas\u0131 vard\u0131: Luoyanq\u0131n, \u00c7anqanq\u0131n v\u0259 ya Pekinin m\u0259rk\u0259zi b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131 \u0259yal\u0259t b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131n\u0131n bir ne\u00e7\u0259 qat\u0131n\u0131 monitorinq edirdi: X\u0259diml\u0259r korpusu m\u0259rk\u0259zi b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131 monitorinq edirdi: “X\u0259dimetm\u0259 idar\u0259si” is\u0259 x\u0259diml\u0259ri monitorinq edirdi. Bu, haz\u0131rk\u0131 situasiyadan, \u0259n yuxar\u0131da q\u0259rarla\u015fan partiyadan v\u0259 r\u0259smi h\u00f6kum\u0259t b\u00fcrokratiyas\u0131na n\u0259zar\u0259td\u0259n k\u0259skin \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 f\u0259rql\u0259nmir.\n<\/p>\n

\n Partiya b\u0259zil\u0259ri k\u00f6hn\u0259, b\u0259zil\u0259ri m\u00fcasir olmaqla a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 v\u0259zif\u0259li m\u0259murlar\u0131n hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fccl\u0259ndirm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn bir \u00e7ox texnikalardan istifad\u0259 edir. Yerli hakimiyy\u0259tl\u0259r iqtisadi performanslar\u0131na g\u00f6r\u0259 s\u0131ralan\u0131r, yerli m\u0259murlar is\u0259 resurslar v\u0259 t\u0259\u015fviqat \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn bir-birl\u0259ril\u0259 m\u00fcbariz\u0259 aparma\u011fa y\u00f6nl\u0259ndirilirl\u0259r. A\u015fa\u011f\u0131 administrasiya s\u0259viyy\u0259sind\u0259 korrupsiya geni\u015f yay\u0131lsa da, m\u0259murlar\u0131n he\u00e7 v\u0259chl\u0259 ke\u00e7\u0259 bilm\u0259y\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259ri q\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 x\u0259tt d\u0259 var: h\u0259rgah onlar bu q\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 x\u0259tti ke\u00e7s\u0259l\u0259r, m\u0259hk\u0259m\u0259y\u0259 c\u0259lb oluna, h\u0259tta edam edil\u0259 bil\u0259rl\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u0130st\u0259nil\u0259n m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259\u015fmi\u015f iyerarxiyan\u0131n fundamental problemi informasiyayla \u0259laq\u0259dard\u0131r. Demokratik hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259 g\u00fcz\u0259\u015ft\u0259 getm\u0259s\u0259l\u0259r d\u0259, avtoritar d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r \u0259n a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 s\u0259viyy\u0259d\u0259 n\u0259l\u0259rin ba\u015f verdiyind\u0259n \u0259hat\u0259li m\u0259lumatl\u0131 olmaqla effektiv f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rirl\u0259r. Prinsipal-agent n\u00f6qteyi n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n, agentin davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn hesabat\u0131na \u0259saslanmadan monitorinq ed\u0259n bir ne\u00e7\u0259 yol var. Bu, m\u00fcasir \u00c7in bar\u0259d\u0259 iki fenomen\u0259 – d\u00f6vl\u0259t administrasiyas\u0131nda sor\u011fudan geni\u015f \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 istifad\u0259y\u0259 v\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259tin f\u0259aliyy\u0259tin\u0259 edil\u0259n onlayn t\u0259nqid\u0259 m\u0259hdud d\u00f6z\u00fcm\u0259 – i\u015f\u0131q ucu tutur.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u00c7in d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin internet\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259ti v\u0259 monitorinqi \u00e7ox m\u0259\u015fhurdur, m\u0259lumatlara \u0259sas\u0259n, bu i\u015f\u0259 50 min senzor c\u0259lb edilib v\u0259 o, \u00c7\u0130n\u00a0 ist\u0259nil\u0259n avtoritar \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259n qat-qat qabaqdad\u0131r. Yax\u015f\u0131 m\u0259lum oldu\u011fu kimi, mikrobloqlarda v\u0259 internet diskussiyalar\u0131nda d\u00f6vl\u0259tin performans\u0131na t\u0259nqidl\u0259r \u00e7oxalanda, d\u00f6vl\u0259t onlar\u0131 bir qayda olaraq qapad\u0131r. Ancaq \u015f\u0259rhl\u0259rin d\u00f6vriyy\u0259d\u0259 oldu\u011fu bir ne\u00e7\u0259 saat \u0259rzind\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259t \u00f6z t\u0259nqid\u00e7il\u0259rini t\u0259kc\u0259 m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259nl\u0259\u015fdirmir, h\u0259m\u00e7inin onlar\u0131n n\u0259 dan\u0131\u015fd\u0131qlar\u0131na da qulaq as\u0131r. \u015eayi\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259, Hu Jintao (\u00c7inin ke\u00e7mi\u015f prezidenti – t\u0259rc) m\u00fcnt\u0259z\u0259m olaraq internet forumlarda v\u0259 Sina.com-da (yerli-tvitter) edil\u0259n s\u00f6hb\u0259tl\u0259rin hesabat\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bu c\u00fcr mexanizm say\u0259sind\u0259 partiya t\u0259kc\u0259 ictimai fikri \u015f\u0259kill\u0259ndirmir, h\u0259m\u00e7inin bu yolla o, hadis\u0259l\u0259rin f\u00f6vq\u00fcnd\u0259 qalma\u011fa \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r ki, xalq naraz\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 partlay\u0131b ictimai etiraz formas\u0131nda zorak\u0131 h\u0259r\u0259k\u0259tl\u0259r\u0259 \u00e7evrilm\u0259zd\u0259n qabaq ona cavab ver\u0259 bilsin. Kims\u0259 buna sinikc\u0259 baxa v\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259tin xalqa qaz\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131xarma\u011fa imkan verm\u0259kl\u0259 \u00f6z q\u00fcdr\u0259tini v\u0259 imtiyazlar\u0131n\u0131 qorudu\u011funu dey\u0259 bil\u0259r: yaxud bir ba\u015fqas\u0131 bunu ictimai fikr\u0259 cavab verm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn idar\u0259\u00e7il\u0259rin demokratiyan\u0131 yams\u0131lamas\u0131 kimi qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndir\u0259 bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bir m\u0259nada \u00c7inin avtoritar idar\u0259\u00e7iliyi modern Q\u0259rb \u015firk\u0259tind\u0259ki korporativ idar\u0259\u00e7ilik kimi qurulub. H\u0259r iki halda formal hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q yuxar\u0131ya do\u011fru istiqam\u0259tl\u0259nib, \u00c7ind\u0259 bu, partiyan\u0131n yuxar\u0131 dair\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259f istiqam\u0259tl\u0259nibs\u0259, korporasiyalarda s\u0259hmdarlara, yaxud idar\u0259 hey\u0259tin\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259f istiqam\u0259tl\u0259nib. O, formall\u0131q n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rind\u0259n n\u0259 v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n, n\u0259 i\u015f\u00e7il\u0259rin, n\u0259 d\u0259 istehlak\u00e7\u0131larin maraqlar\u0131na cavab verir. Baxmayaraq ki, iyerarxiya h\u0259m d\u0259 bu maraql\u0131 t\u0259r\u0259fl\u0259rin ist\u0259kl\u0259rini do\u011frultmasa, z\u0259r\u0259r g\u00f6r\u0259 bil\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bu x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259r\u0259 diqq\u0259t \u00e7\u0259km\u0259kl\u0259, m\u0259n \u00c7in d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n demokratik d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla hans\u0131sa m\u0259nada m\u00fcqayis\u0259 oluna bil\u0259c\u0259yin\u0259 dair m\u00fclahiz\u0259 y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fcr\u0259m. Partiya iddia edir ki, onun bel\u0259 idar\u0259etm\u0259sin\u0259 birm\u0259nal\u0131 raz\u0131l\u0131q var, h\u0259m\u00e7inin b\u0259zi sor\u011fular g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, bir \u00e7ox \u00e7inli d\u00f6vl\u0259tin onlar\u0131n arzular\u0131na uy\u011fun f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rdiyin\u0259 inan\u0131r. Ancaq formal hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q v\u0259 ifad\u0259 azadl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoxdursa, bunun h\u0259qiq\u0259t oldu\u011funu biz haradan bil\u0259c\u0259yik?\n<\/p>\n

\n H\u0259qiqi demokratik hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q t\u0259kc\u0259 iqtisadi art\u0131ma nail olmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn laz\u0131m deyil, o, sad\u0259c\u0259 laz\u0131m oldu\u011fu \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn laz\u0131md\u0131r. H\u0259r g\u00fcn sad\u0259 \u00e7inli v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n h\u00fcquq v\u0259 l\u0259yaq\u0259tl\u0259rini d\u00f6vl\u0259t daha \u00e7ox inkar edir v\u0259 g\u00f6rm\u0259zd\u0259n g\u0259lir, bu, h\u0259r il ba\u015f qald\u0131ran \u00e7ox sayda zorak\u0131 sosial etirazlar\u0131n da \u0259sas qayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bununla bel\u0259, \u00c7in d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ehtiyac\u0131 olan \u015feyl\u0259rl\u0259 – \u0259sas\u0259n, t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik, i\u015f, y\u00fcks\u0259l\u0259n h\u0259yat \u015f\u0259raiti – t\u0259min etm\u0259k qabiliyy\u0259ti a\u00e7\u0131q-ayd\u0131n \u0259ks\u0259r avtoritar \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rinkind\u0259n y\u00fcks\u0259kdir. Bunu ba\u015fa d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259liyik, yoxsa \u00c7inin regiondak\u0131 v\u0259 onun h\u00fcdudlar\u0131ndan k\u0259nardak\u0131 demokratik t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259y\u0259 niy\u0259 meydan oxudu\u011funu d\u0259rk etm\u0259y\u0259c\u0259yik.\n<\/p>\n

\n
\n Demokratiya v\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada d\u00f6vl\u0259tin g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259yi
\n <\/b>\n<\/p>\n

\n \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada bir ne\u00e7\u0259 \u00f6lk\u0259 \u00c7insaya\u011f\u0131 m\u0259rk\u0259zi d\u00f6vl\u0259tin varisl\u0259ridir, onlar\u0131n iqtisadi u\u011furlar\u0131n\u0131n arxas\u0131nda da bu dayan\u0131r. Yaponiya, C\u0259nubi Koreya v\u0259 Tayvan \u00f6zl\u0259rinin y\u00fcks\u0259k art\u0131m m\u0259rh\u0259l\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 ambisiyal\u0131 s\u0259naye siyas\u0259ti h\u0259yata ke\u00e7ir\u0259n y\u00fcks\u0259k r\u0259qab\u0259tli inki\u015faf ed\u0259n \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259r idil\u0259r, bu \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 icraedici hakimiyy\u0259tin t\u0259fti\u015fin\u0259 xidm\u0259t ed\u0259n ali h\u00fcquq v\u0259 demokratik institutlar sonradan formala\u015fd\u0131. Demokratik t\u0259sisatlar\u0131n m\u00f6vcudluqlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zba\u015f\u0131na nec\u0259 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259rin\u0259 dair tipik bir sual verm\u0259k \u0259v\u0259zin\u0259, biz h\u00fcququn aliliyi v\u0259 demokratik institutlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n v\u0259 ya yoxlu\u011funun \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada d\u00f6vl\u0259tin f\u0259aliyy\u0259tin\u0259 nec\u0259 t\u0259sir ed\u0259c\u0259yini analiz etm\u0259liyik. Z\u0259nnimc\u0259, bu, d\u00fczg\u00fcn yana\u015fmad\u0131r, ona g\u00f6r\u0259 ki, demokratiya b\u00f6y\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcd\u0259 iqtisadi performansa v\u0259 d\u00f6vl\u0259tin f\u0259aliyy\u0259tinin dig\u0259r n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 \u0259sas\u0259n qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndiril\u0259c\u0259k.\n<\/p>\n

\n Ali h\u00fcquq v\u0259 demokratik hesabatl\u0131l\u0131q y\u00fcks\u0259k s\u0259viyy\u0259li d\u00f6vl\u0259t f\u0259aliyy\u0259ti \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn vacibdir. H\u00fcquqa \u0259saslanmayan v\u0259 proqnozla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lmayan, x\u00fcsusi m\u00fclkiyy\u0259t h\u00fcquqlar\u0131n\u0131 qorumayan d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r iqtisadi f\u0259aliyy\u0259tl\u0259rind\u0259 mane\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 \u00fczl\u0259\u015f\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259r. V\u0259 \u0259g\u0259r onlar\u0131n demokratik hesabatl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmasa, pis liderl\u0259ri hakimiyy\u0259td\u0259n uzaqla\u015fd\u0131rmaqdan, yaxud onlara \u00f6z f\u0259aliyy\u0259tl\u0259rin\u0259 dair aray\u0131\u015f verm\u0259kd\u0259n ba\u015fqa \u00e7ar\u0259 qalmayacaq. 2011-ci ild\u0259 ba\u015f ver\u0259n y\u00fcks\u0259k s\u00fcr\u0259tli d\u0259mir yolu q\u0259zas\u0131yla \u0259laq\u0259dar hadis\u0259l\u0259rin ictimai m\u00fczakir\u0259sin\u0259 \u00c7in h\u00f6kum\u0259tinin icaz\u0259 verm\u0259m\u0259si \u00f6lk\u0259nin g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259k d\u0259miryolu t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizliyi \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn yax\u015f\u0131 hal say\u0131la bilm\u0259z. Bununla bel\u0259, demokratik sistemd\u0259 d\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t v\u0259 t\u0259fti\u015fin h\u0259ddind\u0259n art\u0131q \u00e7ox olmas\u0131 q\u0259rarlar\u0131n verilm\u0259sini \u00e7\u0259tinl\u0259\u015fdir\u0259 v\u0259 prosesi bataql\u0131\u011fa s\u00fcr\u00fckl\u0259y\u0259 bil\u0259r. Yaponiya milli h\u00f6kum\u0259tinin Fukusima Dayi\u015fi n\u00fcv\u0259 reaktoru b\u00f6hran\u0131 zaman\u0131nda h\u0259yati vacib t\u0259chizatlar\u0131n helikopterl\u0259rd\u0259n a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 at\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259 tutan qada\u011fan\u0131 aradan qald\u0131ra bilm\u0259m\u0259sini buna misal g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259k olar. Ayd\u0131nd\u0131r ki, hakimiyy\u0259tin institutsional olaraq b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u0259sini Qari Koks v\u0259 Metyu Makkubinsin “m\u0259qs\u0259d ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131” olaraq xarakteriz\u0259 etdikl\u0259ri m\u0259fhum m\u00fc\u015fayi\u0259t ed\u0259nd\u0259, problem daha da k\u0259skinl\u0259\u015fir \u2013 bu, siyasi m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 se\u00e7icil\u0259r aras\u0131nda naraz\u0131l\u0131qlara s\u0259b\u0259b olur. O vaxtlar ki, Yaponiya, C\u0259nubi Koreya v\u0259 Tayvanda demokratik siyas\u0259t m\u00fcr\u0259kk\u0259b milli m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259ri h\u0259ll etm\u0259kd\u0259ns\u0259, taktiki \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck \u0259ld\u0259 etm\u0259k mara\u011f\u0131nda olan partiyalar aras\u0131nda q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fmi\u015fdi, onda bu \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rin h\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fc ill\u0259r boyu m\u0259qs\u0259d ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6hran\u0131 kimi xarakteriz\u0259 edil\u0259 bil\u0259c\u0259k m\u0259fhumdan \u0259ziyy\u0259t \u00e7\u0259kirdil\u0259r. N\u0259tic\u0259d\u0259 Yaponiyada iqtisadi islahatlar, Tayvanda is\u0259 milli m\u00fcdafi\u0259 kimi vacib m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259r dalana dir\u0259nmi\u015fdi.\n<\/p>\n

\n He\u00e7 vaxt sistemli \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 verildiyini g\u00f6rm\u0259diyim vacib bir empirik sual var: \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyada demokratiyan\u0131n b\u00fcrokratiyan\u0131n keyfiyy\u0259tin\u0259 t\u0259siri n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259rdir? \u018fvv\u0259lc\u0259 qeyd etdiyim kimi, \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya demokratiyalar\u0131 m\u00f6hk\u0259m d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259, ancaq yax\u015f\u0131 t\u0259\u015fkilatlanm\u0131\u015f sosial aktyorlar olmadan t\u0259\u015f\u0259kk\u00fcl tap\u0131blar. \u0130ndi bu balans s\u00fcr\u0259tl\u0259 d\u0259yi\u015fir. Uzun m\u00fcdd\u0259tli s\u00fclh v\u0259 stabillik d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 ortaya \u00e7\u0131xma\u011fa meyilli olan g\u00fccl\u00fc maraq qruplar\u0131 burada da peyda olub. Yaponiyan\u0131n m\u00fcxt\u0259lif c\u0259bh\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 – ticar\u0259tin liberalla\u015fmas\u0131ndan tutmu\u015f k\u0259nd-t\u0259s\u0259rr\u00fcfat\u0131n\u0131n modernl\u0259\u015fm\u0259sin\u0259d\u0259k – f\u0259aliyy\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259y\u0259 niy\u0259 m\u00fcv\u0259ff\u0259q olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair apar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00fcmumi analizl\u0259r g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, bu \u00f6lk\u0259d\u0259 olduqca ki\u00e7ik maraq qruplar\u0131 b\u00f6y\u00fck islahatlar\u0131n apar\u0131lmas\u0131na \u0259ng\u0259l olmaq iqtidar\u0131ndad\u0131rlar.\u00a0 Klassik m\u00fcharib\u0259d\u0259n sonrak\u0131 Asiya d\u00f6vl\u0259t idar\u0259\u00e7iliyind\u0259ki \u0259sas x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259n biri d\u00f6vl\u0259tin laz\u0131m g\u0259l\u0259nd\u0259 \u00f6z\u0259l-sektor aktyorlar\u0131n\u0131 intizama salmaq bacar\u0131\u011f\u0131 idi – yaxud Stefan Haqqard v\u0259 Robert R. Kaufman\u0131n qeyd etdiyi kimi, dig\u0259r regionlarla m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 burada d\u00f6vl\u0259t q\u0259sbi v\u0259 icar\u0259dar axtar\u0131\u015f\u0131 h\u0259v\u0259si a\u015fa\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. Maraql\u0131d\u0131r ki, bu, \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya demokratiyalar\u0131nda indi daha az xarakterikdir, n\u0259inki 40 il \u0259vv\u0259l.\n<\/p>\n

\n \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri, demokratik v\u0259 avtoritar olmalar\u0131ndan as\u0131l\u0131 olmayaraq, n\u00f6vb\u0259ti iyirmi ild\u0259 onlar\u0131n siyasi sisteml\u0259rini s\u0131naqdan ke\u00e7ir\u0259c\u0259k b\u00f6y\u00fck probleml\u0259rl\u0259 \u00fczl\u0259\u015f\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259r. Regionun hans\u0131 -avtoritar, yoxsa demokratik \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rinin bu situasiyayla daha yax\u015f\u0131 ba\u015f ed\u0259c\u0259yin\u0259 dair f\u0259rziyy\u0259 ir\u0259li s\u00fcrm\u0259y\u0259 is\u0259 d\u0259y\u0259r.\n<\/p>\n

\n Bir m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259 – regionun b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6lkl\u0259l\u0259rinin az, ya da \u00e7ox d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 t\u0259tbiq etdiyi ixracy\u00f6n\u00fcml\u00fc art\u0131m modelinin d\u0259yi\u015fdiril\u0259r\u0259k, ixracata g\u00fccl\u00fc daxili t\u0259l\u0259bat\u0131n \u0259lav\u0259 edildiyi daha balansl\u0131 sistem\u0259 ke\u00e7id – \u0259ndi\u015f\u0259 yarad\u0131r. Raghuram Rajan qeyd edir ki, Yaponiyan\u0131n bunu ger\u00e7\u0259kl\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259k c\u0259hdl\u0259ri iflasa u\u011fray\u0131b – baxmayaraq ki, yapon liderl\u0259r h\u0259l\u0259 1985-ci ild\u0259 valyuta bazarlar\u0131nda Plaza Akkord sazi\u015fin\u0259 gir\u0259nd\u0259n b\u0259ri, daxili-t\u0259l\u0259bata \u0259saslanan sistem\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259f istiqam\u0259tl\u0259nm\u0259nin vacibdliyini d\u0259rk etmi\u015fdil\u0259r, lakin istehlak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259sini art\u0131rmaq, yaxud ixracaty\u00f6n\u00fcml\u00fc s\u0259nayel\u0259rl\u0259 iqtisadiyyat\u0131n qalan sah\u0259l\u0259ri aras\u0131ndak\u0131 m\u0259hsuldarl\u0131q bo\u015flu\u011funu aradan qald\u0131rmaq m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sind\u0259 \u00e7ox c\u00fczi ir\u0259lil\u0259yi\u015f\u0259 nail olunmu\u015fdu. Bunun \u0259sas s\u0259b\u0259bl\u0259rind\u0259n biri \u0259n az\u0131ndan m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n q\u0259d\u0259r siyasidir.\u00a0 1990-c\u0131 ill\u0259rin \u0259vv\u0259ll\u0259rind\u0259 Yapon \u0259mlak bazar\u0131ndak\u0131 partlay\u0131\u015fdan sonra, ba\u015flad\u0131lan stimulla\u015fd\u0131rma c\u0259hdl\u0259ri \u00e7ox effektsiz oldu, m\u0259hsuldarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 art\u0131rmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn infrastruktur layih\u0259l\u0259rini maraq qruplar\u0131 \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259n idar\u0259 etm\u0259k ist\u0259yi Yaponiyan\u0131n maliyy\u0259 bax\u0131mdan ir\u0259lil\u0259m\u0259si m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan c\u0131\u011f\u0131ra sal\u0131nmas\u0131yla yekunla\u015fd\u0131.\n<\/p>\n

\n B\u0259s g\u00f6r\u0259n, bu m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259d\u0259 avtoritar \u00c7in daha yax\u015f\u0131 n\u0259tic\u0259y\u0259 nail olacaqm\u0131? \u00c7in h\u00f6kum\u0259ti ill\u0259r \u0259vv\u0259ld\u0259n daxili t\u0259l\u0259bat\u0131 stimulla\u015fd\u0131rma\u011f\u0131n g\u0259r\u0259kli oldu\u011funu anlay\u0131b v\u0259 bunun \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00f6lk\u0259 i\u00e7ind\u0259ki kas\u0131b b\u00f6lg\u0259l\u0259ri inki\u015faf etdirm\u0259kd\u0259n \u00f6tr\u00fc xeyli maliyy\u0259 yat\u0131r\u0131b. Biz h\u0259min investisiyalar\u0131n uzunm\u00fcdd\u0259tli perspektivd\u0259 arzulanan effekt\u0259 nail olub-olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 h\u0259l\u0259lik bilmirik. Ayd\u0131nd\u0131r ki, \u00c7ind\u0259 q\u0259rarlar\u0131n q\u0259bul olunmas\u0131na t\u0259sir ed\u0259n maraq qruplar\u0131 da var, m\u0259hz buna g\u00f6r\u0259 bir \u00e7ox \u00e7inli r\u0259smil\u0259r m\u00fcxt\u0259lif developerl\u0259r, s\u0259naye\u00e7il\u0259r v\u0259 dig\u0259rl\u0259ril\u0259 \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q etdikl\u0259rind\u0259n z\u0259nginlik \u0259ld\u0259 edibl\u0259r. \u00c7in avtoritar sistemi \u00f6lk\u0259 sahill\u0259rind\u0259ki ixracat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n m\u0259nf\u0259\u0259tl\u0259rin\u0259 m\u00fcqavim\u0259t g\u00f6st\u0259r\u0259c\u0259k q\u0259d\u0259r g\u00fccl\u00fcd\u00fcr, yoxsa art\u0131q bu m\u00fcqavim\u0259t q\u0131r\u0131l\u0131b? Bu empirik sual\u0131n cavab\u0131 da h\u0259l\u0259lik b\u0259lli deyil.\n<\/p>\n

\n Do\u011fumlar\u0131n azalmas\u0131 v\u0259 uzun\u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn artmas\u0131 n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 ictimai m\u00fcqavil\u0259 m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259sini yenid\u0259n g\u00fcnd\u0259m\u0259 g\u0259tirm\u0259k – \u0259ndi\u015f\u0259 yaradan dig\u0259r ikinci vacib m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259dir. Bu m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259d\u0259 Yaponiyan\u0131n lider oldu\u011fu \u00e7oxuna b\u0259llidir, ancaq demokratik v\u0259 avtoritar olmalar\u0131ndan as\u0131l\u0131 olmayaraq, \u015e\u0259rqi Asiyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri 21-ci \u0259srin birinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda eyni problemd\u0259n \u0259ziyy\u0259t \u00e7\u0259k\u0259c\u0259kl\u0259r. \u00c7inin do\u011fu\u015f reytinqi Yaponiya, Sinqapur, C\u0259nubi Koreya v\u0259 Tayvan\u0131nk\u0131 q\u0259d\u0259r k\u0259skin \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259yib, amma h\u0259tta bir u\u015faq siyas\u0259ti aradan qald\u0131r\u0131lsa bel\u0259, \u00c7ind\u0259 15 ild\u0259n sonra do\u011fu\u015f reytinqi a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fm\u0259y\u0259 ba\u015flayacaq. As\u0131l\u0131l\u0131q d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259sini art\u0131rmaq ist\u0259yi is\u0259 bir \u00e7ox a\u011fr\u0131l\u0131 q\u0259rarlar\u0131n verilm\u0259sin\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b olacaq, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, i\u015f\u00e7il\u0259rin g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259kd\u0259ki ki\u00e7ik izdihamlar\u0131na y\u00fcks\u0259k vergil\u0259r qoyulacaq: t\u0259qa\u00fcdl\u0259r v\u0259 s\u0259hiyy\u0259 imtiyazlar\u0131 k\u0259sil\u0259c\u0259k; t\u0259qa\u00fcd ya\u015f\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131lacaq; v\u0259 \u00e7ox g\u00fcman tibbi prosedurlar rasionla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lacaq.\n<\/p>\n

\n Dem\u0259k olar b\u00fct\u00fcn inki\u015faf etmi\u015f demokratiyalar\u0131n maliyy\u0259 probleml\u0259ri t\u0259cr\u00fcb\u0259l\u0259ri a\u00e7\u0131q-ayd\u0131n s\u00fcbut edir ki, bel\u0259 q\u0259rarlar\u0131 q\u0259bul etm\u0259k he\u00e7 d\u0259 asan v\u0259 problemsiz ba\u015fa g\u0259lmir. Ancaq el\u0259 burada idar\u0259 olunanlar\u0131n raz\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u0259saslanan demokratik sistemin \u0259n m\u00f6ht\u0259\u015f\u0259m m\u0259ziyy\u0259tl\u0259rind\u0259n biri ortaya \u00e7\u0131x\u0131r:\u00a0 bel\u0259 ki, demokratik sisteml\u0259r birm\u0259nal\u0131 olaraq, daha \u00e7ox sosial aktyorun raz\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ist\u0259diyind\u0259n v\u0259 ona arxaland\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan q\u0259bul edil\u0259n q\u0259rarlar b\u00f6y\u00fck d\u0259st\u0259kl\u0259 m\u00fc\u015fayi\u0259t olunur. Koks v\u0259 Makkubinsin d\u0259 qeyd ed\u0259c\u0259yi kimi, demokratiyalar q\u0259tiyy\u0259tli olmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn q\u0259tiyy\u0259tli olurlar. D\u00fczd\u00fcr, \u00c7in kimi avtoritar sistem \u0259haliy\u0259 ist\u0259m\u0259diyi q\u0259rarlar\u0131 m\u0259cbur\u0259n yerid\u0259 bil\u0259r, lakin o, bu zaman a\u011flas\u0131\u011fmaz qurbanlar\u0131n qar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ba\u015f ver\u0259 bil\u0259c\u0259k sosial partlay\u0131\u015f riskini d\u0259 g\u00f6z\u0259 almal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Demokratik inki\u015faf m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259si c\u0259miyy\u0259td\u0259n \u00e7ox as\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":81101,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_sitemap_exclude":false,"_sitemap_priority":"","_sitemap_frequency":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[51],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-183208","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analitika","infinite-scroll-item","generate-columns","tablet-grid-50","mobile-grid-100","grid-parent","grid-33","no-featured-image-padding"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\n\u00c7in v\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya demokratiyas\u0131 - MEYDAN.TV<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.meydan.tv\/az\/article\/cin-ve-serqi-asiya-demokratiyasi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"az_AZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"\u00c7in v\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Asiya demokratiyas\u0131 - 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